History of Bangladesh

The history of Bangladesh, a region steeped in rich cultural and political developments, traces its origins to ancient times. Initially known as Bengal, it was a significant part of various regional empires, including the Mauryan and the Gupta Empires. During medieval times, Bengal flourished under the Bengal Sultanate and Mughal rule, renowned for its trade and wealth, particularly in the muslin and silk industries.

The 16th to 18th centuries marked a period of economic prosperity and cultural renaissance in Bengal. However, this era came to an end with the advent of British rule in the 19th century. The British East India Company's control over Bengal after the Battle of Plassey in 1757 led to significant economic changes and the introduction of the Permanent Settlement in 1793.

British rule witnessed the emergence of modern education and socio-religious reform movements, spearheaded by figures like Raja Ram Mohan Roy. The Partition of Bengal in 1905, although annulled in 1911, sparked a strong surge in nationalist sentiment.

The early 20th century was marked by the Bengali Renaissance, which played a crucial role in the socio-cultural development of the region. The Bengal Famine of 1943, a devastating humanitarian crisis, was a turning point in Bengal's history, exacerbating anti-British sentiments.

The decisive moment came with the Partition of India in 1947, resulting in the creation of East and West Pakistan. Predominantly Muslim East Bengal became East Pakistan, setting the stage for future conflicts due to linguistic and cultural differences with West Pakistan. This period laid the groundwork for Bangladesh's eventual struggle for independence, a significant chapter in South Asian history.

The Partition of India, as outlined in the Indian Independence Act of 1947, marked the end of British rule in South Asia and resulted in the creation of two independent dominions, India and Pakistan, on August 14 and 15, 1947, respectively. This partition involved the division of the British Indian provinces of Bengal and Punjab based on religious majorities, with Muslim-majority areas becoming part of Pakistan and non-Muslim areas joining India. Along with territorial division, assets like the British Indian Army, Navy, Air Force, civil service, railways, and treasury were also divided.

This event led to massive and hasty migrations, with estimates suggesting 14 to 18 million people moved, and around one million dying due to the violence and upheaval. Refugees, primarily Hindus and Sikhs from regions like West Punjab and East Bengal, migrated to India, while Muslims moved to Pakistan, seeking safety among co-religionists. The partition sparked extensive communal violence, particularly in Punjab and Bengal, as well as in cities like Calcutta, Delhi, and Lahore. Approximately one million Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs lost their lives in these conflicts.

Efforts to mitigate the violence and support refugees were undertaken by both Indian and Pakistani leaders. Notably, Mahatma Gandhi played a significant role in promoting peace through fasts in Calcutta and Delhi.^[4] The governments of India and Pakistan set up relief camps and mobilized armies for humanitarian aid. Despite these efforts, the partition left a legacy of hostility and mistrust between India and Pakistan, impacting their relationship to this day.

In 1947, following the partition of India, East Bengal became part of the Dominion of Pakistan. Despite comprising the majority with 44 million people, East Bengal's Bengali-speaking population found themselves underrepresented in Pakistan's government, civil services, and military, which were dominated by the western wing.^[1] A pivotal event occurred in 1947 at a national education summit in Karachi, where a resolution advocated Urdu as the sole state language, sparking immediate opposition in East Bengal. Led by Abul Kashem, students in Dhaka demanded Bengali recognition as an official language and as a medium of education.^[2] Despite these protests, the Pakistan Public Service Commission excluded Bengali from official use, intensifying public outrage.^[3]

This led to significant protests, particularly on 21 February 1952, when students in Dhaka defied a ban on public gatherings. The police responded with tear gas and gunfire, leading to several student deaths.^[1] The violence escalated into city-wide disorder, with widespread strikes and shutdowns. Despite pleas from local legislators, the chief minister, Nurul Amin, refused to address the issue adequately.

These events led to constitutional reforms. Bengali gained recognition as an official language alongside Urdu in 1954, formalized in the 1956 Constitution. However, the military regime under Ayub Khan later attempted to re-establish Urdu as the sole national language.^[4]

The language movement was a significant factor leading to the Bangladesh Liberation War. The military regime's favoritism towards West Pakistan, coupled with economic and political disparities, fueled resentment in East Pakistan. The Awami League's call for greater provincial autonomy and the renaming of East Pakistan to Bangladesh were central to these tensions, eventually culminating in Bangladesh's independence.

The 1958 Pakistani military coup, occurring on 27 October 1958, marked Pakistan's first military coup. It led to the ousting of President Iskandar Ali Mirza by Muhammad Ayub Khan, the then army chief. Leading up to the coup, political instability plagued Pakistan, with numerous prime ministers between 1956 and 1958. Tensions were heightened by East Pakistan's demand for greater participation in central governance. Amidst these tensions, President Mirza, losing political support and facing opposition from leaders like Suhrawardy, turned to the military for support. On 7 October, he declared martial law, dissolved the constitution, dismissed the government, dissolved the National Assembly and provincial legislatures, and banned political parties. General Ayub Khan was appointed Chief Martial Law Administrator and nominated as the new Prime Minister.

However, the alliance between Mirza and Ayub Khan was short-lived. By 27 October, Mirza, feeling marginalized by Ayub Khan's growing power, attempted to assert his authority. Conversely, Ayub Khan, suspecting Mirza of plotting against him, forced Mirza's resignation and assumed the presidency. The coup was initially welcomed in Pakistan, seen as a respite from political instability and ineffective leadership. There was optimism that Ayub Khan's strong leadership would stabilize the economy, promote modernization, and eventually restore democracy. His regime received support from foreign governments, including the United States.

The Six-Point Movement, initiated in 1966 by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of East Pakistan, sought greater autonomy for the region.^[5] This movement, led mainly by the Awami League, was a response to the perceived exploitation of East Pakistan by West Pakistani rulers and is seen as a significant step towards the independence of Bangladesh.

In February 1966, opposition leaders in East Pakistan convened a national conference to discuss the political situation post-Tashkent. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, representing the Awami League, attended the conference in Lahore. He proposed the Six Points on 5 February, aiming to include them in the conference's agenda. However, his proposal was rejected, and Rahman was labeled a separatist. Consequently, he boycotted the conference on 6 February. Later that month, the Awami League's working committee unanimously accepted the Six Points.

The Six-Point proposal was born from a desire to grant East Pakistan more autonomy. Despite making up the majority of Pakistan's population and contributing significantly to its export income through products like jute, East Pakistanis felt marginalized in political power and economic benefits within Pakistan. The proposal faced rejection from West Pakistani politicians and some non-Awami League politicians from East Pakistan, including the president of the All Pakistan Awami League, Nawabzada Nasarullah Khan, as well as parties like the National Awami Party, Jamaat-i-Islami, and Nizam-i-Islam. Despite this opposition, the movement garnered substantial support among the majority of East Pakistan's population.

The 1969 East Pakistan uprising was a significant democratic movement against the military rule of President Muhammad Ayub Khan. Driven by student-led demonstrations and supported by political parties like the Awami League and the National Awami Party, the uprising demanded political reforms and protested the Agartala Conspiracy Case and the imprisonment of Bengali nationalist leaders, including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.^[6] The movement, gaining momentum from the Six-Point Movement of 1966, escalated in early 1969, featuring widespread demonstrations and occasional conflicts with government forces. This public pressure culminated in President Ayub Khan's resignation and led to the withdrawal of the Agartala Conspiracy Case, resulting in the acquittal of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and others.

In response to the unrest, President Yahya Khan, who succeeded Ayub Khan, announced plans for national elections in October 1970. He declared that the newly elected assembly would draft Pakistan's constitution and announced the division of West Pakistan into separate provinces. On 31 March 1970, he introduced the Legal Framework Order (LFO), calling for direct elections for a unicameral legislature.^[7] This move was partly to address fears in the West about East Pakistan's demands for extensive provincial autonomy. The LFO aimed to ensure the future constitution would maintain Pakistan's territorial integrity and Islamic ideology.

The 1954-formed integrated province of West Pakistan was abolished, reverting to its original four provinces: Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, and the North-West Frontier Province. Representation in the National Assembly was based on population, giving East Pakistan, with its larger population, a majority of the seats. Despite warnings of Sheikh Mujib's intentions to disregard the LFO and India's growing interference in East Pakistan, Yahya Khan underestimated the political dynamics, especially the support for the Awami League in East Pakistan.^[7]

The general elections held on 7 December 1970 were Pakistan's first since independence and the last before Bangladesh's independence. The elections were for 300 general constituencies, with 162 in East Pakistan and 138 in West Pakistan, plus 13 additional seats reserved for women.^[8] This election was a pivotal moment in the political landscape of Pakistan and the eventual formation of Bangladesh.

The general elections held in East Pakistan on 7 December 1970 were a significant event in the history of Pakistan. These elections were conducted to choose 169 members for the 5th National Assembly of Pakistan, with 162 seats designated as general seats and 7 reserved for women. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, achieved a remarkable victory, winning 167 out of the 169 seats allocated to East Pakistan in the National Assembly. This overwhelming success also extended to the East Pakistan Provincial Assembly, where the Awami League secured a landslide win. The election results underscored the strong desire for autonomy among the population of East Pakistan and set the stage for the subsequent political and constitutional crises that led to the Bangladesh Liberation War and the eventual independence of Bangladesh.

On the evening of 25 March 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the leader of the Awami League (AL), held a meeting with key Bengali nationalist leaders, including Tajuddin Ahmad and Colonel M A G Osmani, at his residence in Dhanmondi, Dhaka. They received information from Bengali insiders in the military about an imminent crackdown by the Pakistan Armed Forces. While some leaders urged Mujib to declare independence, he hesitated, fearing treason charges. Tajuddin Ahmad even brought recording equipment to capture a declaration of independence, but Mujib, hoping for a negotiated solution with West Pakistan and the possibility of becoming the Prime Minister of a united Pakistan, refrained from making such a declaration. Instead, Mujib instructed senior figures to flee to India for safety, but chose to stay in Dhaka himself.

That same night, the Pakistan Armed Forces initiated Operation Searchlight in Dhaka, the capital of East Pakistan. This operation involved deploying tanks and troops, who reportedly massacred students and intellectuals at Dhaka University and attacked civilians in other parts of the city. The operation aimed to suppress resistance from the police and the East Pakistan Rifles, causing widespread destruction and chaos in major cities.

On 26 March 1971, Mujib's call for resistance was broadcasted via radio. M. A. Hannan, the secretary of the Awami League in Chittagong, read out the statement at 2.30 pm and 7.40 pm from a radio station in Chittagong. This broadcast marked a pivotal moment in the struggle for Bangladesh's independence.

Today Bangladesh is a sovereign and independent country. On Thursday night [March 25, 1971], West Pakistan armed forces suddenly attacked the police barracks at Razarbagh and the EPR headquarters at Pilkhana in Dhaka. Many innocent and unarmed have been killed in Dhaka city and other places of Bangladesh. Violent clashes between EPR and police on the one hand and the armed forces of Pakistan on the other are going on. The Bengalis are fighting the enemy with great courage for an independent Bangladesh. May Allah aid us in our fight for freedom. Joy Bangla.

On 27 March 1971, Major Ziaur Rahman broadcast Mujib's message in English which was drafted by Abul Kashem Khan. Zia's message stated the following.

This is Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra. I, Major Ziaur Rahman, on behalf of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, hereby declare that the independent People's Republic of Bangladesh has been established. I call upon all Bengalis to rise against the attack by the West Pakistani Army. We shall fight to the last to free our motherland. By the grace of Allah, victory is ours.

On 10 April 1971, the Provisional Government of Bangladesh issued the Proclamation of Independence which confirmed Mujib's original declaration of independence. The proclamation also included the term Bangabandhu for the first time in a legal instrument. The proclamation stated the following.

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the undisputed leader of the 75 million people of Bangladesh, in due fulfillment of the legitimate right of self-determination of the people of Bangladesh, duly made a declaration of independence at Dacca on 26 March 1971, and urged the people of Bangladesh to defend the honour and integrity of Bangladesh.

According to A K Khandker, who served as Deputy Chief of Staff of the Bangladesh Armed Forces during the Liberation War; Sheikh Mujib avoided a radio broadcast fearing that it might be used as evidence of treason by the Pakistani military against him during his trial. This view is also supported in a book written by the daughter of Tajuddin Ahmed.

On 25 March 1971, a significant conflict erupted in East Pakistan following the dismissal of an election victory by the Awami League, an East Pakistani political party. This event marked the beginning of Operation Searchlight,^[9] a brutal military campaign by the West Pakistani establishment to suppress rising political discontent and cultural nationalism in East Pakistan.^[10] The Pakistan Army's violent actions led Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,^[11] the Awami League leader, to declare the independence of East Pakistan as Bangladesh on 26 March 1971.^[12] While most Bengalis supported this declaration, certain groups like Islamists and Biharis sided with the Pakistan Army.

Pakistani President Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan ordered the military to reassert control, igniting a civil war. This conflict resulted in a massive refugee crisis, with approximately 10 million people fleeing to India's eastern provinces.^[13] In response, India supported the Bangladeshi resistance movement, the Mukti Bahini. The Mukti Bahini, composed of Bengali military, paramilitary, and civilians, waged a guerrilla war against the Pakistani military, achieving significant early successes. The Pakistan Army regained some ground during the monsoon season, but the Mukti Bahini responded with operations like the naval-focused Operation Jackpot and air strikes by the nascent Bangladesh Air Force. Tensions escalated into a broader conflict when Pakistan launched preemptive air strikes on India on 3 December 1971, leading to the Indo-Pakistani War. The conflict ended with Pakistan's surrender in Dhaka on 16 December 1971, a historic event in military history.

Throughout the war, the Pakistan Army and allied militias, including the Razakars, Al-Badr, and Al-Shams, committed widespread atrocities against Bengali civilians, students, intellectuals, religious minorities, and armed personnel.^[14] These acts included mass murder, deportation, and genocidal rape as part of a systematic campaign of annihilation. The violence led to significant displacement, with an estimated 30 million internally displaced persons and 10 million refugees fleeing to India.^[15]

The war profoundly altered South Asia's geopolitical landscape, leading to the establishment of Bangladesh as the seventh-most populous country in the world. The conflict also had broader implications during the Cold War, involving major global powers like the United States, the Soviet Union, and the People's Republic of China. Bangladesh gained recognition as a sovereign nation by the majority of United Nations member states in 1972.

Upon his release on 10 January 1972, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman played a pivotal role in the newly independent Bangladesh, initially taking up the provisional presidency before becoming the Prime Minister. He led the consolidation of all governmental and decision-making bodies, with the politicians elected in the 1970 elections forming the provisional parliament.^[16] The Mukti Bahini and other militias were integrated into the new Bangladeshi army, officially taking over from Indian forces on 17 March. Rahman's administration faced enormous challenges, including rehabilitating millions displaced by the 1971 conflict, addressing the aftermath of the 1970 cyclone, and revitalizing a war-ravaged economy.^[16]

Under Rahman's leadership, Bangladesh was admitted to the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement. He sought international assistance by visiting countries like the United States and the United Kingdom, and signed a treaty of friendship with India, which provided significant economic and humanitarian support and helped in training Bangladesh's security forces.^[17] Rahman established a close relationship with Indira Gandhi, appreciating India's support during the liberation war. His government undertook major efforts to rehabilitate around 10 million refugees, recover the economy, and avert a famine. In 1972, a new constitution was introduced, and subsequent elections solidified Mujib's power with his party securing an absolute majority. The administration emphasized expanding essential services and infrastructure, launching a five-year plan in 1973 focusing on agriculture, rural infrastructure, and cottage industries.^[18]

Despite these efforts, Bangladesh faced a devastating famine from March 1974 to December 1974, considered one of the 20th century's deadliest. Initial signs appeared in March 1974, with rice prices soaring and Rangpur District experiencing the early impacts.^[19] The famine resulted in the deaths of an estimated 27,000 to 1,500,000 people, highlighting the severe challenges faced by the young nation in its efforts to recover from the liberation war and natural disasters. The severe 1974 famine deeply influenced Mujib's approach to governance and led to a significant shift in his political strategy.^[20] In the backdrop of mounting political unrest and violence, Mujib escalated his consolidation of power. On 25 January 1975, he declared a state of emergency, and through a constitutional amendment, banned all opposition political parties. Assuming the presidency, Mujib was granted unprecedented powers.^[21] His regime established the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL) as the sole legal political entity, positioning it as the representative of the rural populace, including farmers and laborers, and initiating socialist-oriented programs.^[22]

At the peak of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's leadership, Bangladesh faced internal strife as the Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal's military wing, Gonobahini, launched an insurgency aiming to establish a Marxist regime.^[23] The government's response was to create the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, a force which soon became notorious for its severe human rights violations against civilians, including political assassinations,^[24] extrajudicial killings by death squads,^[25] and instances of rape.^[26] This force operated with legal immunity, shielding its members from prosecution and other legal actions.^[22] Despite retaining support from various population segments, Mujib's actions, particularly the use of force and restriction of political freedoms, led to discontent among liberation war veterans. They viewed these measures as a departure from the ideals of democracy and civil rights that motivated Bangladesh's struggle for independence.

On 15 August 1975, a group of junior army officers, using tanks, stormed the presidential residence and assassinated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, along with his family and personal staff. Only his daughters, Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Sheikh Rehana escaped as they were in West Germany at the time and consequently were banned from returning to Bangladesh. The coup was orchestrated by a faction within the Awami League, including some of Mujib's former allies and military officers, notably Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, who then assumed the presidency. The incident sparked widespread speculation, including allegations of involvement by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), with journalist Lawrence Lifschultz suggesting CIA complicity,^[27] based on statements from the US ambassador in Dhaka at the time, Eugene Booster.^[28] The assassination of Mujib led Bangladesh into a prolonged period of political instability, marked by successive coups and counter-coups, along with numerous political assassinations that left the country in disarray. Stability began to return when army chief Ziaur Rahman took control following a coup in 1977. After declaring himself president in 1978, Zia enacted the Indemnity Ordinance, providing legal immunity to those involved in planning and executing Mujib's assassination.

Ziaur Rahman, often referred to as Zia, assumed the presidency of Bangladesh during a period fraught with significant challenges. The country was grappling with low productivity, a devastating famine in 1974, sluggish economic growth, widespread corruption, and a politically volatile atmosphere following the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. This turmoil was compounded by subsequent military counter-coups.

Despite these obstacles, Zia is remembered for his effective administration and pragmatic policies that spurred Bangladesh's economic recovery. His tenure was marked by a liberalization of trade and encouragement of private sector investments. A notable achievement was the initiation of manpower exports to Middle Eastern countries, significantly boosting Bangladesh's foreign remittance and transforming the rural economy. Under his leadership, Bangladesh also entered the ready-made garments sector, capitalizing on the multi-fibre agreement. This industry now accounts for 84% of Bangladesh's total exports. Furthermore, the share of customs duty and sales tax in the total tax revenue surged from 39% in 1974 to 64% in 1979, indicating a substantial increase in economic activities.^[29] Agriculture flourished during Zia's presidency, with output growing two to threefold within five years. Notably, in 1979, jute became profitable for the first time in independent Bangladesh's history.^[30]

Zia's leadership was challenged by multiple deadly coups within the Bangladesh Army, which he suppressed with force. Secret trials according to military law followed each coup attempt. However, his fortune ran out on 30 May 1981, when he was assassinated by military personnel at the Chittagong Circuit House. Zia received a state funeral in Dhaka on 2 June 1981, attended by hundreds of thousands of people, marking it as one of the largest funerals in world history. His legacy is a blend of economic revitalization and political instability, with significant contributions to Bangladesh's development and a tenure marred by military unrest.

Lieutenant General Hussain Muhammad Ershad seized power in Bangladesh on 24 March 1982, amid a "grave political, economic, and societal crisis." Discontented with the then-President Sattar's governance and his refusal to integrate the army further into politics, Ershad suspended the constitution, declared martial law, and initiated economic reforms. These reforms included privatizing the state-dominated economy and inviting foreign investment, which was seen as a positive step toward addressing Bangladesh's severe economic challenges.

Ershad assumed the presidency in 1983, maintaining his role as army chief and Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA). He attempted to involve opposition parties in local elections under martial law, but facing their refusal, he won a national referendum in March 1985 on his leadership with a low turnout. The establishment of the Jatiya Party marked Ershad's move towards political normalization. Despite a boycott by major opposition parties, parliamentary elections in May 1986 saw the Jatiya Party winning a modest majority, with the Awami League's participation adding some legitimacy. Ahead of the presidential elections in October, Ershad retired from military service. The elections were contested amid allegations of voting irregularities and low turnout, though Ershad won with 84% of the vote. Martial law was lifted in November 1986 following constitutional amendments to legitimize the martial law regime's actions.

However, the government's attempt in July 1987 to pass a bill for military representation in local administrative councils led to a unified opposition movement, resulting in widespread protests and the arrest of opposition activists. Ershad's response was to declare a state of emergency and dissolve Parliament, scheduling new elections for March 1988. Despite an opposition boycott, the Jatiya Party won a significant majority in these elections. In June 1988, a constitutional amendment made Islam the state religion of Bangladesh, amidst controversy and opposition. Despite initial signs of political stability, opposition to Ershad's rule intensified by the end of 1990, marked by general strikes and public rallies, leading to a deteriorating situation of law and order.

In 1990, opposition parties in Bangladesh, led by BNP's Khaleda Zia and Awami League's Sheikh Hasina, united against President Ershad. Their protests and strikes, supported by students and Islamic parties like Jamaat-e-Islami, crippled the country. Ershad resigned on December 6, 1990. Following widespread unrest, an interim government held free and fair elections on February 27, 1991.

In 1991, Bangladesh's parliamentary elections saw the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), led by Khaleda Zia, the widow of Ziaur Rahman, winning a plurality. The BNP formed a government with support from Jamaat-I-Islami. The Parliament also included the Awami League (AL) led by Sheikh Hasina, the Jamaat-I-Islami (JI), and the Jatiya Party (JP).

Khaleda Zia's first term as Prime Minister of Bangladesh, from 1991 to 1996, was a significant period in the country's political history, marking the restoration of parliamentary democracy after years of military rule and autocratic governance. Her leadership was instrumental in transitioning Bangladesh towards a democratic system, with her government overseeing the conduct of free and fair elections, a foundational step in re-establishing democratic norms in the country.

Economically, Zia's administration prioritized liberalization, aiming to boost the private sector and attract foreign investment, which contributed to steady economic growth. Her tenure was also noted for substantial investments in infrastructure, including the development of roads, bridges, and power plants, efforts that sought to improve Bangladesh's economic foundations and enhance connectivity. Additionally, her government took steps to address social issues, with initiatives aimed at improving health and education indicators.

Controversy erupted in March 1994 over allegations of election rigging by the BNP, leading to an opposition boycott of Parliament and a series of general strikes demanding the resignation of Khaleda Zia's government. Despite mediation efforts, the opposition resigned from Parliament in late December 1994 and continued their protests.

The political crisis led to boycotted elections in February 1996, with Khaleda Zia re-elected amid claims of unfairness. In response to the turmoil, a constitutional amendment in March 1996 enabled a neutral caretaker government to oversee new elections. The June 1996 elections resulted in a victory for the Awami League, with Sheikh Hasina becoming Prime Minister, forming a government with the Jatiya Party's support.

Sheikh Hasina's first term as Prime Minister of Bangladesh, from June 1996 to July 2001, was marked by significant achievements and progressive policies aimed at improving the country's socio-economic landscape and international relations. Her administration was pivotal in signing the 30-year water-sharing treaty with India for the Ganges River, a critical step in addressing regional water scarcity and fostering cooperation with India.

Under Hasina's leadership, Bangladesh saw the liberalization of the telecommunications sector, introducing competition and ending the government monopoly, which significantly improved the sector's efficiency and accessibility. The Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord, signed in December 1997, ended decades of insurgency in the region, for which Hasina was awarded the UNESCO Peace Prize, highlighting her role in fostering peace and reconciliation.

Economically, her government's policies led to an average GDP growth of 5.5%, with inflation kept at a lower rate compared to other developing countries. Initiatives like the Ashrayan-1 Project for housing the homeless and the New Industrial Policy aimed at boosting the private sector and encouraging foreign direct investment, further globalizing Bangladesh's economy. The policy particularly focused on developing small and cottage industries, promoting skill development, especially among women, and leveraging local raw materials.

Hasina's administration also made strides in social welfare, establishing a social security system that included allowances for the elderly, widows, and distressed women, and setting up a foundation for people with disabilities. The completion of the Bangabandhu Bridge mega project in 1998 was a significant infrastructure achievement, enhancing connectivity and trade.

On the international stage, Hasina represented Bangladesh in various global forums, including the World Micro Credit Summit and the SAARC summit, enhancing Bangladesh's diplomatic footprint. Her government's successful completion of a full five-year term, a first since Bangladesh's independence, set a precedent for democratic stability. However, the 2001 general election results, which saw her party losing despite securing a significant portion of the popular vote, pointed to the challenges of the first-past-the-post electoral system and raised questions about electoral fairness, a contention that was met with international scrutiny but ultimately led to a peaceful transition of power.

During her third term, Prime Minister Khaleda Zia focused on fulfilling election pledges, boosting domestic resources in economic development, and attracting international investment from countries like the United States, Great Britain, and Japan. She aimed at restoring law and order, promoting regional cooperation through a "look-east policy," and enhancing Bangladesh's participation in UN peacekeeping efforts. Her administration was praised for its role in education, poverty alleviation, and achieving a strong GDP growth rate.

Zia's third term saw continued economic growth, with the GDP growth rate remaining above 6%, an increase in per capita income, a boost in foreign exchange reserves, and a rise in foreign direct investments. The foreign direct investments of Bangladesh had risen to 2.5 billion dollars. The industrial sector of the GDP had exceeded 17 percent at the end of Zia's office.^[31]

Zia's foreign policy initiatives included strengthening bilateral relations with Saudi Arabia, improving conditions for Bangladeshi workers, engaging with China on trade and investment matters, and attempting to secure Chinese funding for infrastructure projects. Her visit to India in 2012 aimed at enhancing bilateral trade and regional security, marking a significant diplomatic effort to work collaboratively with neighboring countries for mutual benefits.^[32]

In the lead-up to the planned 22 January 2007 elections, Bangladesh experienced significant political unrest and controversy following the end of Khaleda Zia's government in October 2006. The transition period saw protests, strikes, and violence, resulting in 40 deaths over uncertainties about the leadership of the caretaker government, accused by the Awami League of favoring the BNP. Efforts by Presidential Advisor Mukhlesur Rahman Chowdhury to bring all parties together for the elections were disrupted when the Grand Alliance withdrew its candidates, demanding the publication of voters' lists.

The situation escalated when President Iajuddin Ahmed declared a state of emergency and resigned as chief adviser, appointing Fakhruddin Ahmed in his place. This move effectively suspended political activities. The new military-backed government initiated corruption cases against leaders from both major political parties, including charges against Khaleda Zia's sons, Sheikh Hasina, and Zia herself in early 2007. There were attempts by senior military officials to exclude Hasina and Zia from politics. The caretaker government also focused on strengthening the Anti Corruption Commission and the Bangladesh Election Commission.

Violence erupted at the University of Dhaka in August 2007, with students clashing with the Bangladesh Army, leading to widespread protests. The government's aggressive response, including attacks on students and faculty, sparked further demonstrations. The army eventually conceded to some demands, including the removal of an army camp from the university campus, but the state of emergency and political tensions persisted.

The Second Hasina Administration focused on enhancing the country's economic stability, resulting in sustained GDP growth, driven largely by the textiles industry, remittances, and agriculture. Furthermore, efforts were made to improve social indicators, including health, education, and gender equality, contributing to a reduction in poverty levels. The government also prioritized infrastructure development, with notable projects aimed at improving connectivity and energy supply. Despite these advancements, the administration faced challenges, including political unrest, concerns over governance and human rights, and environmental issues.

In 2009, she faced a significant crisis with the Bangladesh Rifles revolt over pay disputes, leading to 56 deaths, including army officers.^[33] The army criticized Hasina for not intervening decisively against the revolt.^[34] A recording from 2009 revealed army officers' frustration with her initial response to the crisis, arguing that her attempts to negotiate with the revolt's leaders contributed to the escalation and resulted in additional casualties. In 2012, she took a firm stance by refusing entry to Rohingya refugees from Myanmar during the Rakhine State riots.

On 5 February 2013, the Shahbagh protests erupted in Bangladesh, demanding the execution of Abdul Quader Mollah, a convicted war criminal and Islamist leader, who was previously sentenced to life imprisonment for his crimes during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. Mollah's involvement in the war included supporting West Pakistan and participating in the murder of Bengali nationalists and intellectuals. The protests also called for a ban on Jamaat-e-Islami, a radical right-wing and conservative-Islamist group, from politics and a boycott of its affiliated institutions.

The initial leniency of Mollah's sentence sparked outrage, leading to a significant mobilization by bloggers and online activists, which increased participation in the Shahbagh demonstrations. In response, Jamaat-e-Islami organized counter-protests, disputing the tribunal's legitimacy and demanding the release of the accused.

The murder of blogger and activist Ahmed Rajib Haider on 15 February by members of the far-right terrorist group Ansarullah Bangla Team, linked to Jamaat-e-Islami's student wing, intensified public outrage. Later that month, on 27 February, the war tribunal sentenced another key figure, Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, to death for war crimes against humanity.

Sheikh Hasina secured a second consecutive term in the 2014 general elections with the Awami League and its Grand Alliance allies winning a landslide victory. The election, boycotted by major opposition parties including the BNP due to concerns over fairness and the absence of a non-partisan administration, saw the Awami League-led Grand Alliance winning 267 seats, with 153 uncontested. Allegations of electoral malpractice, such as stuffed ballot boxes, and a crackdown on opposition contributed to the controversy surrounding the election. With 234 seats, the Awami League secured a parliamentary majority amid reports of violence and a voter turnout of 51%. Despite the boycott and resulting legitimacy questions, Hasina formed a government, with the Jatiya Party serving as the official opposition.

During her tenure, Bangladesh faced the challenge of Islamic extremism, highlighted by the July 2016 Dhaka attack, described as the deadliest Islamist attack in the country's history. Experts suggest the government's repression of opposition and diminishing democratic spaces have inadvertently facilitated the rise of extremist groups.

In 2017, Bangladesh commissioned its first two submarines and responded to the Rohingya crisis by providing refuge and aid to approximately a million refugees. Her decision to support the removal of the Statue of Justice in front of the Supreme Court faced criticism for yielding to religious-political pressures.

Sheikh Hasina secured her third consecutive term and fourth overall in the general elections, with the Awami League winning 288 of the 300 parliamentary seats. The election faced criticism for being "farcical," as stated by opposition leader Kamal Hossain and echoed by Human Rights Watch, other rights organizations, and The New York Times editorial board, which questioned the necessity of vote-rigging given Hasina's likely win without it. The BNP, having boycotted the 2014 elections, won only eight seats, marking its weakest opposition performance since 1991.

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, Hasina inaugurated the new headquarters for the Bangladesh Post Office, Dak Bhaban, in May 2021, calling for further development of the postal service and its digital transformation. In January 2022, her government passed a law establishing the Universal Pension Scheme for all Bangladeshi citizens aged 18 to 60.

Bangladesh's external debt reached $95.86 billion by the end of the fiscal year 2021–22, a significant increase from 2011, alongside massive irregularities in the banking sector. In July 2022, the Finance Ministry sought fiscal assistance from the IMF due to depleting foreign-exchange reserves, resulting in a $4.7 billion support programme by January 2023 to help stabilize the economy.

Anti-government protests in December 2022 highlighted public discontent with rising costs and demanded Hasina's resignation. That same month, Hasina launched the first phase of Dhaka Metro Rail, Bangladesh's first mass-rapid transit system.

During the 2023 G20 New Delhi summit, Hasina met with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to discuss diversifying cooperation between India and Bangladesh. The summit also served as a platform for Hasina to engage with other global leaders, enhancing Bangladesh's international relations.