After the last Ice Age, the first humans reached the territory of modern Lithuania around the 10th millennium BCE, migrating from the Jutland Peninsula and present-day Poland. They brought distinct tools and cultures, reflecting their origins, but initially remained nomadic hunters without permanent settlements. Warmer conditions arrived in the 8th millennium BCE, transforming the landscape into dense forests, which encouraged more localized hunting, gathering, and fishing.

By the 6th and 5th millennia BCE, the inhabitants began domesticating animals, and family shelters became more developed. However, due to the harsh climate and difficult terrain, agriculture only emerged in the 3rd millennium BCE when tools improved. Around 3200–3100 BCE, the Corded Ware culture, possibly carrying early Indo-European languages, appeared, marking a significant shift towards crafts, trade, and evolving cultural practices in the region.

The early history of Lithuania is rooted in the ancient Baltic tribes, a branch of Indo-European-speaking peoples that began forming around the 2nd millennium BCE. These tribes spread across Eastern Europe, from the Baltic Sea to areas near modern Moscow. The main divisions were the West Baltic Old Prussians and Yotvingians, and the East Baltic Lithuanians and Latvians. Over time, some tribes—like the Samogitians, Semigallians, and Curonians—merged into Lithuanian and Latvian identities, while others, such as the Old Prussians, were conquered or assimilated by the Teutonic Order.  

Baltic tribes around 1200, in the neighbourhood about to face the Teutonic Knights’ conversion and conquests; note that Baltic territory extended far inland. © Marija Gimbutas

Although the Baltic tribes maintained cultural isolation, they connected to broader Mediterranean civilizations through the Amber Road. Baltic amber, often called "Baltic Gold," was highly prized for jewelry and religious artifacts. This trade route linked the Baltic coast with the Roman Empire and other Mediterranean societies, fostering occasional exchanges despite the remoteness of the region. Roman writers recorded these distant lands; Tacitus, around 97 CE, mentioned the Aesti people near the southeastern Baltic coast, and Ptolemy identified the Galindians and Yotvingians in the 2nd century CE.  

By the 9th–10th centuries, distinct Lithuanian tribes had emerged, centered in regions like Samogitia and Aukštaitija, each with unique burial customs—Samogitia known for skeletal burials, and Aukštaitija for cremations. Pagan traditions remained deeply rooted, with rulers such as Grand Dukes Algirdas and Kęstutis still cremated until Christianization.  

The Lithuanian and Latvian languages began to diverge by the 7th century, but Lithuanian retained many archaic Indo-European features. Lithuania first appeared in written records in 1009 CE, when the Annals of Quedlinburg described the missionary Bruno of Querfurt baptizing a local ruler, “King Nethimer.” This moment marked Lithuania’s earliest known entry into recorded European history.

As the Baltic tribes solidified their presence, the coastal Balts faced external pressures. From the 9th to 11th centuries, they were raided by Vikings, and at times paid tribute to the kings of Denmark. During the same period, Lithuanian territories also fell under the influence of Kievan Rus', with rulers like Yaroslav the Wise invading Lithuania in 1040. However, by the mid-12th century, the tide had turned, and Lithuanian forces began launching raids into Ruthenian lands. In 1183, they devastated Polotsk and Pskov, and even threatened the powerful Novgorod Republic.

Throughout the 12th century, Lithuanian and Polish forces occasionally clashed, though the Yotvingians' territory served as a buffer between them. Meanwhile, German settlers began expanding eastward toward the Daugava River, leading to early confrontations with Lithuanians. Despite these conflicts, the Lithuanians emerged as a dominant force by the end of the century, using organized military power to conduct raids, plunder wealth, and capture slaves.

East of the Baltic tribes: Kievan Rus' © Koryakov Yuri

These activities accelerated social stratification and intensified internal struggles for power, laying the groundwork for state formation. This early political consolidation would eventually give rise to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. By 1231, the Danish Census Book recorded Lithuania (referred to as Littonia) among Baltic lands that paid tribute to Denmark, marking Lithuania’s growing prominence and evolving statehood.

Long before the arrival of the German crusading orders, the Baltic coast had already been shaped by centuries of conflict. From the 9th to 11th centuries, Viking raids ravaged the coasts, and kingdoms like Denmark occasionally demanded tribute from Baltic tribes. Ruthenian princes from Kievan Rus' also invaded Lithuanian lands, further complicating regional dynamics. However, as Viking influence declined, new threats emerged from the West, with the Christian kingdoms of Scandinavia and the Holy Roman Empire looking to convert and subdue the Baltic peoples.

The Catholic Church viewed the Baltic tribes as a pagan barrier blocking the spread of Christianity. While earlier attempts at peaceful conversion—such as those led by missionaries like Meinhard—saw limited success, the Church soon turned to military force. In 1195, Pope Celestine III officially called for a crusade against the pagan tribes. This was reaffirmed by Pope Innocent III, who equated the Northern Crusades with the Crusades to the Holy Land, ensuring that knights who fought in these campaigns earned spiritual rewards.

By the early 1200s, German merchants and missionaries followed old Viking trade routes into Livonia, paving the way for crusaders. In 1202, the Livonian Brothers of the Sword were established, tasked with conquering and Christianizing Baltic tribes (including the Livonians, Curonians, and Semigallians) and, more importantly, to protect German trade and secure German control over commerce. The Livonian Order expanded aggressively, but it soon encountered resistance from Lithuanian and Samogitian warriors.

State of the Teutonic Order in 1260. © S. Bollman

In 1236, the crusaders launched a campaign into Samogitia. However, at the Battle of Saule, a combined force of Samogitians and Semigallians decisively defeated the Livonian Order, killing its master, Volkwin. The battle marked the first large-scale victory for Baltic pagans and sparked revolts among conquered tribes, temporarily halting Christian expansion. The Livonian Order merged with the Teutonic Knights in 1237, shifting their strategy but intensifying pressure on Lithuania.

The growing threat from the German orders forced the Lithuanian tribes to consolidate. Leaders like Mindaugas emerged during this period of conflict, uniting various Baltic groups under a single authority. As the Grand Duchy of Lithuania began to take shape, it faced relentless attacks from both the Livonian and Teutonic Orders. Recognizing the strategic importance of religion, Mindaugas converted to Christianity and was crowned King of Lithuania in 1253, hoping to secure peace with the crusaders.

While the Teutonic and Livonian Orders subdued most other Baltic tribes by the end of the 13th century, Samogitia remained a stronghold of pagan resistance. The Teutonic Knights launched continuous campaigns from their base in Prussia, hoping to link their territories through Lithuania. However, Lithuanian rulers—first through temporary alliances and later through organized leadership—repelled these incursions. Victories like the Battle of Durbe in 1260 further strengthened Lithuanian resolve and encouraged rebellions among other Baltic tribes under German control.

Even as neighboring tribes like the Curonians, Semigallians, and Yotvingians fell to the crusaders, Lithuania held firm, becoming the last pagan stronghold in Europe. Vytenis, who assumed power in 1295, capitalized on the weakened state of the German orders. Over the next two decades, Lithuania grew stronger, expanding its influence into Ruthenian lands while fending off attacks from both the Teutonic and Livonian forces.

By the early 13th century, the unification of the Baltic tribes gained momentum, driven by external threats from the Livonian Order and Teutonic Knights. The shift from fragmented tribes to a centralized state began with the 1219 treaty, when 21 Lithuanian dukes, including a young Mindaugas, signed a peace agreement with Galicia–Volhynia. This marked the first documented sign of Lithuanian consolidation, though tribal leaders still held significant autonomy. The threat from German religious orders further encouraged unification, especially after the Livonian Order’s defeat at the Battle of Saule in 1236.

Mindaugas emerged as the most powerful leader among the Lithuanian dukes. By the 1240s, he had consolidated power through alliances, military campaigns, and strategic marriages. However, his rise involved internal conflicts, including wars against his nephews and other rival dukes. Mindaugas converted to Christianity in 1251 and was crowned King of Lithuania in 1253, temporarily establishing Lithuania as a Christian kingdom and securing papal recognition to stabilize his rule.

Despite this, Mindaugas' support for Christianity wavered. Encouraged by his nephew Treniota, he broke peace with the Livonian Order, likely abandoning his Christian faith. Mindaugas focused on expanding Lithuania eastward, seizing lands weakened by the collapse of Kievan Rus'. However, growing tensions between Mindaugas and his allies culminated in his assassination in 1263, leading Lithuania into a period of instability.

In the years following Mindaugas' death, leadership changed hands frequently, with seven grand dukes ruling over the next 32 years. Despite internal strife, Lithuania did not fragment. By 1295, Vytenis assumed power, laying the groundwork for future expansion. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania, having withstood threats from both internal divisions and external enemies, was now positioned to grow into a powerful and enduring state.

The Battle of Saule, fought on 22 September 1236, was a pivotal event in the early history of Lithuania. It marked the first major victory of the Baltic tribes—primarily Samogitians and Semigallians—over the Livonian Brothers of the Sword, a Catholic military order tasked with converting the region to Christianity. The battle resulted in the death of the Livonian Master Volkwin and the near destruction of the order, forcing its remnants to merge with the Teutonic Knights in 1237. 

This victory not only halted the Livonian advance into Samogitia but also inspired widespread revolts among other Baltic tribes, including the Curonians and Semigallians, reversing years of Christian conquests along the Daugava River. Strategically, the swampy terrain favored the lightly armed Baltic warriors over the heavily armored knights, contributing to the decisive pagan victory. 

The aftermath of Saule reinforced Lithuanian unity and further encouraged tribal consolidation, a process essential for the formation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Leaders like Vykintas emerged during this period, and the battle demonstrated the need for a more organized state to resist further incursions from the Livonian and Teutonic Orders. Today, 22 September is commemorated as Baltic Unity Day by Lithuania and Latvia, celebrating this symbolic moment in their shared history.

After Mindaugas’s assassination in 1263, Lithuania entered a turbulent period, but the state did not collapse. Treniota briefly took over as Grand Duke, but his power was contested by Tautvilas, who was killed by Treniota. However, Treniota himself was assassinated in 1264 by loyalists of the late Mindaugas. Control passed to Vaišvilkas, Mindaugas's son, and Švarnas from Galicia-Volhynia. Their reign was short-lived, with Vaišvilkas ultimately withdrawing into monastic life by 1267, leaving Švarnas in control of parts of southern Lithuania until his death around 1271.

The rise of Traidenis around 1269 marked the beginning of a more stable era. Traidenis actively resisted the German orders, defeating the Livonian Order at the Battle of Karuse in 1270 and winning a major victory at Aizkraukle in 1279. These victories secured Lithuanian dominance and led to a Semigallian rebellion against the Livonian Order. However, Traidenis died soon after, leaving Lithuania without his strong leadership.

With Traidenis’s death, the remaining Baltic tribes were subdued by the Teutonic and Livonian Orders. The Prussians, Skalvians, Nadruvians, and Yotvingians were conquered by 1283, and Semigalia fell in 1291. Lithuania now stood as the last independent pagan state, facing the full focus of the Teutonic and Livonian Orders in the battles to come.

In the late 13th century, as the Northern Crusades intensified, Lithuania continued to fight off relentless campaigns by the Teutonic and Livonian Orders. One significant clash came on March 5, 1279, when Lithuanian forces, led by Grand Duke Traidenis, defeated the Livonian Order at the Battle of Aizkraukle (in present-day Latvia). The victory dealt a serious blow to the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order, with 71 knights killed, including the grand master, Ernst von Rassburg, and other high-ranking leaders.

The tension between Lithuania and Livonia had been building for years. In 1273, the Livonian Order built Dinaburga Castle on land claimed by Traidenis. The castle became a strategic outpost, enabling the Order to raid Lithuanian territory and weaken Traidenis’s support for the Semigallians, a Baltic tribe resisting German domination. Although Traidenis laid siege to Dinaburga in 1274, he failed to capture it, and the ongoing hostility culminated in the 1279 campaign.

By this point, Lithuania’s rivalry with Livonia was not only about territorial control but also about influence over trade routes along the Daugava River and dominance in the Principality of Polotsk. A temporary peace treaty had allowed Traidenis to focus on fighting Galicia–Volhynia to the south, but that peace was short-lived. The Livonian Order, determined to undermine Lithuanian power, assembled an army including local Curonian and Semigallian forces, along with knights from Danish Estonia and the Archbishopric of Riga.

In February 1279, the Livonian Order launched a chevauchée—an aggressive raid deep into Lithuanian territory. The Livonian army reached as far as Kernavė, the political heart of the Grand Duchy, pillaging villages along the way. Facing famine and stretched resources, Lithuania initially did not resist the invading force directly.

However, as the Livonian army began its retreat, weighed down with loot, Traidenis's forces pursued them to Aizkraukle. When the grand master dismissed many local fighters to return home with their share of the spoils, Traidenis seized the opportunity to attack. The Semigallians, who had been forced to fight alongside the Livonians, quickly fled the battlefield, giving the Lithuanian forces the upper hand. The result was a decisive victory for Lithuania, with the Livonian Order suffering heavy losses, including the death of the grand master.

The victory at Aizkraukle marked a significant setback for the Livonian Order, undoing six years of territorial gains. The defeat also sparked another Semigallian rebellion, with Duke Nameisis pledging loyalty to Traidenis in search of protection from the German crusaders. However, Traidenis’s death around 1282 left Lithuania unable to fully consolidate its gains from the victory.

In response to the defeat, the Livonian Order merged its leadership with the Teutonic Knights, planning to coordinate future attacks against Lithuania from both the west and north. This shift in strategy marked a new phase in the long conflict between Lithuania and the crusader orders, reinforcing the need for Lithuania to remain united against its enemies.

Following the turbulent period after Mindaugas's death, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania stabilized under Traidenis, who reigned from 1269 to 1282. Traidenis strengthened Lithuania’s hold over Black Ruthenia, secured victories against the Livonian Order—notably at the Battles of Karuse (1270) and Aizkraukle (1279)—and helped defend the Yotvingians against the Teutonic Knights. However, his death left a leadership void, and Lithuania entered a brief period of uncertainty, as the other Baltic tribes were conquered by the German Orders, leaving Lithuania to face the crusaders alone.

Between 1282 and 1295, little is known about Lithuania's rulers, but by 1295, Vytenis assumed power, marking the beginning of the Gediminid dynasty, which would rule for more than a century. Vytenis expanded Lithuania's influence by securing key Ruthenian lands such as Pinsk and Turov, and strengthened ties with Riga, using it as a base for both military and trade efforts. He also developed defensive fortifications along the Nemunas River, preparing for further conflict with the Teutonic Knights.

The reign of Gediminas (beginning around 1316) marked the height of Lithuania’s expansion, evolving into a powerful state stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea. Gediminas captured Kiev in 1321, solidified control over western Ruthenian principalities, and moved the capital to Vilnius. He built a centralized government while using diplomacy to balance relations with both Byzantine and Latin Christianity. Although Gediminas explored conversion to Catholicism to end conflict with the Teutonic Knights, internal resistance from Samogitians and Orthodox factions thwarted these efforts. Gediminas also established a Polish alliance by marrying his daughter to Casimir III of Poland in 1325, signaling Lithuania’s growing prestige.

Expansion of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, 13th–15th centuries. © Anonymous

Under Gediminas and his successors—Algirdas and Kęstutis—Lithuania continued to resist the Teutonic Knights while expanding into the east and south, battling the Mongols and incorporating territories such as Smolensk. In 1362, Lithuania’s forces secured a major victory over the Golden Horde at the Battle of Blue Waters (extending Lithuanian control deep into former Mongol territories) and captured Kiev afterwards.

By the late 14th century, Lithuania had grown into one of the largest multi-ethnic empire in Europe. It remained a pagan empire, holding off crusader orders and Mongol forces while building an expansive multi-ethnic state that would continue to influence Eastern European politics for generations.

In 1362 or 1363, the Battle of Blue Waters marked a pivotal moment in Lithuania’s rise as a regional power. Under the leadership of Grand Duke Algirdas, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania decisively defeated the Golden Horde on the banks of the Syniukha River, finalizing the conquest of Kiev and expanding Lithuanian control deep into southern territories.

The Golden Horde, weakened by internal succession struggles following the death of Berdi Beg Khan in 1359, was fracturing into competing factions. Algirdas saw an opportunity to expand Lithuanian influence southward, particularly over the Principality of Kiev, which had been under partial Lithuanian control since the Battle on the Irpin River in the early 1320s but still paid tribute to the Horde.

In preparation, Algirdas marched between the Dnieper and Southern Bug rivers, capturing key areas, including parts of the Principality of Chernigov and attacking fortresses like Korshev along the Don River. As Algirdas advanced, Tatar beys of Podolia organized a resistance but failed to mount an effective defense.

The two forces clashed near present-day Torhovytsia, then known as Sinie Vody (Blue Waters). According to later chronicles, Algirdas deployed his troops in six groups, forming a half-circle. The Tatar army, relying on archery, launched volleys of arrows, but these had little effect against the tightly organized Lithuanian and Ruthenian forces. Lithuanian troops, armed with spears and swords, advanced and broke the Tatar lines. Meanwhile, units from Naugardukas, led by Algirdas’s nephews, attacked the flanks with crossbows, causing the Tatar formation to collapse into a chaotic retreat.

The victory at Blue Waters was a major milestone for the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It consolidated control over Kiev and much of present-day Ukraine, including Podolia and the sparsely populated frontier regions known as Dykra. Lithuania also gained access to the Black Sea, further enhancing its strategic and economic influence. Algirdas left his son Vladimir as the ruler of Kiev, solidifying Lithuanian dominance in the region. Podolia was entrusted to Algirdas’s nephews, ensuring stable governance of the newly conquered lands. With this victory, Lithuania not only expanded its borders but also became a direct rival to the growing power of the Grand Duchy of Moscow, setting the stage for future conflicts between the two powers.

After Algirdas's death in 1377, his son Jogaila became the new Grand Duke of Lithuania, but tensions soon arose with his uncle Kęstutis, who had co-ruled parts of the duchy. At this time, Lithuania faced growing pressure from the Teutonic Knights, and Jogaila was more concerned with preserving Lithuania's Ruthenian territories than continuing Kęstutis's longstanding defense of Samogitia against the Knights. The Teutonic Order exploited these differences between Jogaila and Kęstutis, securing a temporary armistice with Kęstutis in 1379.

In 1380, Jogaila secretly negotiated the Treaty of Dovydiškės with the Teutonic Order, agreeing to peace in exchange for support, directly betraying Kęstutis. Feeling abandoned and betrayed, Kęstutis took action in 1381 while Jogaila was distracted with a rebellion in Polotsk. Kęstutis seized Vilnius and removed Jogaila from power, sparking a civil war between the two factions. Kęstutis mounted two raids against Teutonic strongholds in 1382, but while absent from Vilnius, Jogaila regrouped, retook the city, and captured Kęstutis, who later died in Jogaila's custody under suspicious circumstances. Kęstutis's son, Vytautas, managed to escape.

Jogaila’s position remained weak, and in 1382, he signed the Treaty of Dubysa with the Teutonic Order, promising to convert to Catholicism and cede half of Samogitia to the Knights. Meanwhile, Vytautas fled to Prussia, seeking the Order’s support to claim the Duchy of Trakai, which he considered his inheritance. However, when the Order and Vytautas failed to achieve their goals through their 1383 invasion of Lithuania, Vytautas reconciled with Jogaila. In 1384, Vytautas switched sides, receiving control over Grodno, Podlasie, and Brest from Jogaila. Vytautas even destroyed Teutonic strongholds entrusted to him, and together, the two cousins launched a joint campaign against the Teutonic Knights.

By the mid-1380s, it was clear that Lithuania needed to align with European Christendom to ensure its survival. The Teutonic Knights, seeking to unify their Prussian and Livonian territories, hoped to conquer Samogitia and all of Lithuania, just as they had done with other Baltic tribes. Between 1345 and 1382, the Knights launched 96 raids into Lithuania, while Lithuanian forces could only respond with 42 retaliatory campaigns. To the east, Lithuania’s vast Ruthenian territories were under increasing threat from the expanding ambitions of Moscow and local rulers seeking independence, forcing Lithuania to navigate both external and internal threats in the struggle for survival.

After the turbulent conflicts between Jogaila and Kęstutis, followed by the shifting alliances between Vytautas and the Teutonic Order, Lithuania reached a critical crossroads. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania had grown into a multi-ethnic state with extensive Ruthenian territories, but it was under constant threat from the Teutonic Knights and rival powers like the Grand Duchy of Moscow. With Lithuania’s survival at stake, Jogaila sought a new path—one that would align the duchy with Western Christendom and strengthen it through a union with Poland.

The Union of Krewo and the Christianization of Lithuania

In 1385, Jogaila negotiated the Union of Krewo, agreeing to convert to Catholicism and marry Jadwiga, the 13-year-old crowned king of Poland. This marriage sealed a dynastic union between Lithuania and Poland, giving both realms a powerful ally in their struggles against the Teutonic Order and expanding Lithuania’s influence in Europe. In 1386, Jogaila was baptized, took the name Władysław, and was crowned King of Poland, formally uniting the two states under a personal union.

Poland and Lithuania in 1387.

This political move was essential. Although many Ruthenians in Lithuania had already been Orthodox Christians, the Teutonic Knights continued to use Lithuania’s pagan status as a pretext for military campaigns. Jogaila’s conversion deprived the Order of its justification for forced conversion through warfare. By 1403, the pope banned the Teutonic Order from conducting crusades against Lithuania, marking the beginning of the end of the Knights' threat.

Christianization and Institutional Change

Following his coronation, Jogaila returned to Lithuania in 1386 and began the mass conversion of the population. By 1387, he established a bishopric in Vilnius, generously endowing the Church with land and privileges, instantly transforming it into the most powerful institution in the country. Lithuanian boyars (nobles) who accepted baptism were granted privileges that improved their legal rights, creating a new class of Catholic nobility. At the same time, Vilnius’s townspeople were granted self-governance, further integrating Lithuania into the political framework of Western Europe.

The Church also initiated a civilizing mission, promoting literacy and education, which laid the foundations for the emergence of separate estates and institutions within the realm. Though Orthodox Christianity continued to be a significant presence, Catholicism now became the dominant religion in Lithuania proper, aligning it more closely with Poland and other Western powers.

Challenges and Power Struggles with Vytautas

While the union with Poland brought new opportunities, Jogaila's position was still precarious. His cousin Vytautas—who had initially fought alongside the Teutonic Order against Jogaila—continued to pose a threat. Jogaila’s new alliance with Poland provided him with the support needed to stabilize his rule and manage his relationship with Vytautas. However, tensions between the cousins persisted, and the need to balance their power would shape Lithuanian-Polish relations for years to come.

The dynastic union with Poland and the Christianization of Lithuania marked a profound transformation for the Grand Duchy. It shifted Lithuania away from its pagan traditions and longstanding reliance on Orthodox ties and aligned it with Western Christendom, ensuring the state's long-term survival. The Teutonic Order, which had threatened Lithuania for two centuries, lost its primary reason for war, while the union with Poland opened new avenues for cooperation and expansion.

Although Lithuania had previously balanced between East and West, the reforms initiated by Jogaila began the process of integrating the Grand Duchy of Lithuania into the European political order. This transition laid the groundwork for Vytautas the Great’s later expansion and the eventual formation of one of the largest and most powerful states in Eastern Europe.

Following the Union of Krewo in 1385, tensions between Jogaila and Vytautas escalated, leading to the Lithuanian Civil War (1389–1392)—a second round in their ongoing power struggle. Although Jogaila had become King of Poland in 1386, his attempts to secure control over Lithuania by appointing his brother Skirgaila as regent were unpopular among Lithuanian nobles. Many resented the growing Polish influence over Lithuanian affairs and favored Vytautas, who sought to reclaim his ancestral lands and maintain Lithuania’s autonomy within the union.

When Vytautas’s first attempt to seize Vilnius failed in 1389, he turned once again to the Teutonic Knights—just as both he and Jogaila had done in the earlier civil war (1381–1384). In 1390, Vytautas and the Knights besieged Vilnius but failed to capture it. The campaign demonstrated deep dissatisfaction among Lithuania’s elites with Jogaila’s leadership, though no side achieved a decisive victory.

By 1392, with neither faction gaining the upper hand, Jogaila offered a compromise. In the Ostrów Agreement, Vytautas was named Grand Duke of Lithuania under the condition that he would recognize Jogaila as Supreme Duke. Vytautas accepted, abandoned his alliance with the Knights, and turned on their strongholds, marking the end of the civil war.

Though technically a vassal of Jogaila, Vytautas wielded considerable autonomy and became the de facto ruler of Lithuania. His leadership helped stabilize the Grand Duchy and restore unity, much like the earlier power-sharing arrangement between their fathers, Algirdas and Kęstutis. Vytautas’s reign (1392–1430) allowed Lithuania to refocus on external threats, particularly the Teutonic Knights, who were enraged by Vytautas’s betrayal. Though Vytautas temporarily ceded Samogitia to the Knights in the Treaty of Salynas (1398) to buy time, tensions persisted. The civil war laid the foundation for the renewed cooperation between Jogaila and Vytautas.

Jogaila’s appointment of Skirgaila as regent in Lithuania triggered opposition from Vytautas, culminating in the Lithuanian Civil War (1389–1392). The Ostrów Agreement of 1392 resolved the conflict, making Vytautas the Grand Duke of Lithuania under Jogaila’s nominal authority. Vytautas took full control of the Grand Duchy, centralizing power by reclaiming provinces from Ruthenian dukes and consolidating his authority over Lithuanian territories. The Catholicized Lithuanian nobility also became more influential in state politics during his reign.

However, Vytautas rejected the idea of Lithuania’s subordination to Poland, striving to maintain the duchy’s independence while relying on Polish support when necessary. This autonomy allowed Vytautas to expand Lithuania's eastern borders, capturing Smolensk in 1395 and launching a campaign against the Golden Horde. Although Vytautas suffered a crushing defeat at the Battle of the Vorskla River (1399), the duchy remained intact, and he realized that a permanent alliance with Poland was essential for security.

Renewed Conflict with the Teutonic Order

While Vytautas focused on consolidating his rule, the Teutonic Knights intensified their campaigns to gain control over Samogitia. Lithuania and Poland’s union undermined the Order’s mission to convert pagan lands, and they refused to recognize Jogaila's Christianization of Lithuania. The Knights aimed to unite their Prussian and Livonian territories by subjugating Samogitia, a region they briefly secured through the Treaty of Salynas in 1398. Vytautas, however, sought to reclaim Samogitia, prompting further conflict with the Order.

Tensions boiled over in 1409, when Samogitians, supported by Vytautas, revolted against the Knights. Poland backed Lithuania’s cause, and the Teutonic Order responded by invading Greater Poland and Kuyavia, triggering the Polish-Lithuanian-Teutonic War (1409–1411). Both sides prepared for a decisive confrontation, knowing the conflict would determine the regional balance of power.

Battle of Grunwald

On July 15, 1410, the combined Polish-Lithuanian forces, led by Jogaila (Władysław II) and Vytautas, confronted the Teutonic Order at the Battle of Grunwald (Žalgiris/Tannenberg). The battle, one of the largest in medieval European history, ended in a decisive victory for Poland and Lithuania. Most of the Teutonic leadership, including Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen, was killed or captured. However, despite their battlefield success, the allies failed to capture the Teutonic capital of Marienburg (Malbork Castle) in the subsequent siege.

The Peace of Thorn (1411) formally ended the war, with Samogitia returned to Lithuanian control—though only until the deaths of Jogaila and Vytautas. The Teutonic Order, though not completely dismantled, never recovered its former power. Weakened financially and politically, the Order entered a period of decline, ending its centuries-long dominance over the Baltic region. The victory at Grunwald shifted the balance of power in Central and Eastern Europe, marking the rise of the Polish-Lithuanian union as a dominant force.

Vytautas and Jogaila’s cooperation, symbolized by the triumph at Grunwald, secured Lithuania's independence and territorial integrity, ensuring that the Teutonic Knights would no longer threaten the duchy’s survival. Vytautas continued his campaigns to expand Lithuania’s eastern influence, but Grunwald solidified the union’s dominance in the region and ensured Lithuania’s future as a significant political and military power.

Following the decisive Battle of Grunwald in 1410 and the Peace of Thorn in 1411, the Polish-Lithuanian alliance emerged as the dominant force in Central and Eastern Europe. However, the complex relationship between Vytautas and Jogaila continued to shape the evolving nature of the Polish-Lithuanian union.

In 1413, the Union of Horodło redefined the relationship between Lithuania and Poland. While Lithuania retained autonomy, the union established the principle that both countries would select future rulers only with mutual consent. The privileges of Catholic Lithuanian nobles were aligned with those of the Polish nobility (szlachta), strengthening the ties between the two states. Additionally, 47 Lithuanian clans were symbolically linked with 47 Polish noble families to foster a future brotherhood and facilitate closer unity. Lithuanian administrative divisions—in Vilnius and Trakai—were created, following Polish governance models, further integrating the two states politically.

The Gollub War with the Teutonic Knights (1419–1422) ended with the Treaty of Melno in 1422, which secured Samogitia as part of Lithuania, marking the end of Lithuanian-Teutonic conflicts. Though Vytautas refrained from pursuing further conquest of East Prussia, the survival of the Teutonic state ensured its presence for centuries. Samogitia, the last pagan region in Europe, was fully Christianized by 1413, completing Lithuania's long journey toward Western Christendom.

In his final years, Vytautas expanded Lithuania’s influence to its greatest extent. After the death of Vasily I of Moscow in 1425, Vytautas and his daughter Sophia of Lithuania—Vasily’s widow—temporarily controlled Moscow and collected tributes from local princes in Pskov and Novgorod. At the Congress of Lutsk in 1429, Vytautas came close to fulfilling his long-standing ambition of being crowned King of Lithuania, with support from Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund. However, political intrigue and his sudden death in 1430 thwarted the plan.

Vytautas’s reign left a lasting legacy. Under his leadership, Lithuania reached the peak of its territorial expansion, securing influence from the Black Sea to the Baltic. His efforts to balance Lithuania’s autonomy with Polish cooperation ensured the stability of the union and shaped the political structure of the region for generations. Though his dream of kingship was never realized, Vytautas's achievements and legend continued to inspire future generations, solidifying his status as one of Lithuania’s greatest rulers.

Following Vytautas’s death in 1430, Lithuania entered another civil war as rival factions competed for power. Despite moments of tension, the Jagiellonian dynasty, founded by Jogaila, ensured that Lithuania and Poland remained connected under shared leadership from 1386 to 1572. Although Lithuanian nobles at times broke the union by selecting grand dukes independently—such as in 1440, when Casimir, Jogaila’s second son, was named Grand Duke—the situation was repeatedly resolved when these leaders were later elected kings of Poland. This pattern of dynastic cooperation benefited both realms, ensuring political continuity and protection against external threats.

Rising Threats and Regional Conflicts

The Teutonic threat diminished after the Peace of Thorn in 1466, which saw much of Poland’s lost Piast territories recovered. However, new dangers emerged, particularly from the Crimean Tatars, who began raiding Lithuanian lands in search of slaves and wealth. In 1482, the Tatars burned Kyiv, and by 1505, they advanced as far as Vilnius, forcing Lithuania to relinquish many of its southern Black Sea territories by the late 15th century.

Meanwhile, the rise of the Grand Duchy of Moscow posed an even more serious challenge. Beginning in 1492, Ivan III of Russia launched the first in a series of Muscovite–Lithuanian Wars, with Moscow aiming to reclaim former Orthodox territories. As a result, Lithuania lost one-third of its territory to Russia by 1503, and the loss of Smolensk in 1514 dealt a further blow, despite a subsequent Lithuanian victory at the Battle of Orsha. These conflicts made Poland’s involvement in Lithuania’s defense increasingly necessary, solidifying the importance of their alliance.

Livonian War and Struggles in the North

In the north, Lithuania and Poland competed for control of Livonia, a region critical for both economic and strategic reasons. The Treaty of Pozvol (1557) established an alliance between the Polish-Lithuanian state and the Livonian Confederation, prompting Ivan the Terrible to launch attacks on Livonia and Lithuania. The fall of Polotsk in 1563 marked a serious setback for Lithuania, although it achieved a temporary victory at the Battle of Ula in 1564. Despite military successes, Livonia was divided among Russia, Sweden, and the Polish-Lithuanian side, as the struggle for dominance in the Baltic intensified.

The increasing pressure from Moscow and the Tatars, along with the challenges of the Livonian War, underscored Lithuania’s need for closer cooperation with Poland. The Jagiellonian rulers balanced internal dynastic politics while maintaining Lithuania’s autonomy and preserving the personal union with Poland, ensuring the survival of both realms amidst constant external threats.

As Lithuania expanded eastward during the 14th century, it absorbed large portions of former Kievan Rus', including Kyiv, Smolensk, and Chernigov, establishing control over a vast Ruthenian population. However, with the rise of the Grand Duchy of Moscow, which began unifying Russian principalities after the decline of the Golden Horde, Lithuania’s eastern front became a battleground. Moscow sought to reclaim these former Orthodox territories and expand westward, posing a growing threat to Lithuania's territorial integrity.

Muscovite ambition to consolidate lands once ruled by Kievan Rus' became evident during the reign of Ivan III ("Ivan the Great"). By the late 15th century, Moscow's influence was rising, fueled by the collapse of the Mongol yoke. Ivan III styled himself as the sovereign of all Russia and claimed a right to the territories now under Lithuanian control. This ideological expansion sparked a series of wars beginning in 1487, shortly after Lithuania’s border reached within 100 miles of Moscow. Over the next few decades, Lithuania would suffer territorial losses, culminating in the loss of Smolensk and other key regions.

The first major war (1487–1494) saw Moscow seize territories along the border, capitalizing on Orthodox nobles’ dissatisfaction under Lithuanian rule. Lithuania ceded Vyazma and other lands in a peace treaty in 1494, marking its first significant territorial loss.

The second war (1500–1503) dealt another devastating blow. Moscow, accusing Lithuania of persecuting Orthodox subjects, launched an invasion. Lithuanian forces suffered a decisive defeat at the Battle of Vedrosha in 1500, leading to the loss of Chernihiv, Novgorod-Seversk, and Starodub, reducing Lithuania’s eastern frontier by a third.

A third conflict in 1507–1508 was entangled with Glinsky's Rebellion, a Lithuanian noble revolt. Although the rebellion ultimately failed, it further weakened Lithuania, which was forced to accept the status quo of 1503 through an inconclusive truce.

The fourth war (1512–1522) saw Moscow’s forces capture Smolensk in 1514, despite Lithuania’s victory at the Battle of Orsha that same year. Smolensk would remain under Muscovite control despite several attempts to recapture it. The peace of 1522 cemented Lithuania’s territorial losses and recognized Moscow’s dominance over former Lithuanian lands.

Following the death of Vasili III of Moscow, political instability in Moscow gave Lithuania an opportunity to reclaim lost ground in the Fifth War (1534–1537) . Lithuania allied with Polish forces and the Crimean Tatars to launch a counteroffensive, successfully seizing Gomel and Starodub. However, the truce of 1537 granted Moscow control of key border fortresses, preventing Lithuania from fully reversing its territorial setbacks.

The Muscovite–Lithuanian wars exposed Lithuania’s military vulnerabilities and increasingly pushed it toward closer cooperation with Poland. As Moscow grew more powerful and asserted itself as the successor to Kievan Rus', Lithuania's reliance on Polish aid deepened, laying the groundwork for the eventual Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1569. Additionally, the wars displaced Lithuania’s center of power westward, shifting focus from eastern Ruthenian lands to safeguarding Lithuania's core territories against the dual threats of Moscow and the Crimean Tatars.

In this context, the Jagiellonian dynasty's union with Poland became not just a strategic necessity but a matter of survival. As Lithuania fought to defend its autonomy and contain Moscow’s westward expansion, the growing alignment with Poland shaped the trajectory of both states for centuries to come.

Despite the challenges posed by constant warfare with Moscow, the Crimean Tatars, and the Teutonic Order, the 16th century marked a period of cultural and intellectual revival in Lithuania, often referred to as the Lithuanian Renaissance. This flourishing of arts, education, and literature was deeply influenced by the Renaissance movement sweeping Europe and the spread of Reformation ideas.

While Lutheranism gained influence in urban centers of the Livonian Confederation during the 1520s, Lithuania itself remained largely Catholic, maintaining the religious identity strengthened through the Union of Krewo and Vytautas’s reign. Catholicism continued to shape Lithuanian politics and society, in contrast to the Protestant trends spreading through northern Europe.

The Renaissance stimulated intellectual life across the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Many Lithuanian scholars, educated abroad, returned to their homeland to contribute to this cultural movement. Scholars like Abraomas Kulvietis, Stanislovas Rapalionis, Martynas Mažvydas, and Mikalojus Daukša led efforts to standardize the Lithuanian language and produce the first printed Lithuanian texts. These efforts laid the foundation for the development of written Lithuanian.

During this period, Ruthenian (Chancery Slavonic) remained the primary administrative language in the early stages of the Renaissance, used by influential figures such as Francysk Skaryna, a humanist and bibliophile. However, by the mid-16th century, Polish began to dominate literary and official communication, reflecting the growing cultural integration between Poland and Lithuania following the Jagiellonian rule.

Italian Renaissance architecture began to shape Lithuanian cities, enriching urban spaces with new styles and artistic influences. Literature in Latin also thrived, reflecting the humanist ideals of the Renaissance and fostering connections between Lithuanian scholars and Western Europe.

By the mid-16th century, the Baltic region was at the center of a struggle between rising powers, driven by economic ambitions and shifting alliances. The decline of the Hanseatic League's monopoly over Baltic trade left Livonian cities like Riga, Narva, and Tallinn vulnerable, as they lacked adequate defenses and naval power to counter external threats. At the same time, Denmark, Sweden, and Russia pursued expansion into Livonia, each seeking greater control over trade routes and strategically valuable ports. For Russia, Livonia represented an opportunity to break out of isolation from the Baltic Sea, which hampered its ability to import advanced weaponry and engage with Western trade.

The Tsardom of Russia, under Ivan IV (Ivan the Terrible), sought to exploit the fragmented political landscape of the Livonian Confederation. With the annexation of Kazan and Astrakhan, Russia had grown stronger and now desired a corridor linking the Baltic to the Caspian Sea. However, when the Livonians failed to meet Russia’s demands for tribute, Ivan launched a military campaign in 1558, marking the beginning of the Livonian War. As Russian forces quickly captured key fortresses like Tartu and Narva, alarm spread among Livonia's neighbors, drawing in Poland-Lithuania, Sweden, and Denmark. These powers saw both a threat and an opportunity in Livonia’s collapse, and they began maneuvering to secure their own interests in the region.

Lithuania responded by aligning with Poland to form a mutual defense pact, which gradually drew both states deeper into the conflict. Although Poland-Lithuania achieved some military gains, the lack of cohesion between the two parts of the Commonwealth complicated war efforts. Lithuania’s involvement in the Livonian War also strained internal resources, exposing the limits of the new political framework. The transition from a personal union (where each state retained separate policies) to a fully integrated Commonwealth was still fragile, and disagreements between the Lithuanian and Polish nobility weakened efforts to resist Russian expansion effectively.

When Stephen Báthory ascended to the throne in 1576, he sought to revitalize the Commonwealth’s military efforts. As King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania, Báthory launched a series of bold campaigns, including a joint Swedish-Lithuanian victory at Wenden reversing Russia’s advances. The Siege of Pskov (1581) and the recapture of Polotsk were critical victories that solidified the Commonwealth's hold over Livonia. The Truce of Jam Zapolski (1582) marked the end of Russia’s ambitions in the region, transferring former Russian holdings to Poland-Lithuania. This truce was a major strategic victory, securing trade routes and stabilizing the Commonwealth’s northern frontier.

Map showing the campaigns in Livonia and Western Russia of Stefan Batory during the Livonian War. The dark line is the approximate border by 1600. © Grandiose

However, the Livonian War also highlighted the vulnerabilities within the Commonwealth’s political system. Lithuania's success in the conflict depended heavily on cooperation with Polish magnates and nobles, further cementing the nobility’s influence over governance. This reliance on the szlachta (nobility) limited the monarch’s power and set a precedent for future internal conflicts. Though Báthory’s reign represented a brief resurgence in military strength, the Commonwealth's decentralized political structure would become a liability in later conflicts with Sweden and Russia, leading to the gradual decline of Lithuanian influence within the union.

By the mid-16th century, the political and military dynamics between Poland and Lithuania reached a tipping point. Since the Union of Krewo (1385), the two states had been linked by a personal union through shared monarchs, but Lithuania remained a distinct political entity. However, the increasing pressure from Muscovy’s expansion and Lithuania’s reliance on Polish military aid began to shift the balance of power. The Union of Lublin (1569) formalized this evolving relationship, transforming Poland and Lithuania into a single federal state, known as the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.

Throughout the 15th and 16th centuries, Poland sought to integrate Lithuania fully into its political system, but Lithuanian nobles resisted, valuing their independence and patrimonial control over Ruthenian lands. Despite this, Lithuanian leaders grew more dependent on Polish financial and military support during conflicts with Moscow, especially after defeats in the Muscovite–Lithuanian Wars.

The pressure to create a more permanent union increased during the reign of Sigismund II Augustus, the last Jagiellonian king, who had no heir. With his death looming, Polish nobles feared that the personal union between Poland and Lithuania would collapse, leaving both countries vulnerable to external threats. At the same time, Lithuania’s reliance on Poland had become essential, especially after the Tatars and Moscow threatened Lithuanian territory.

In 1569, Sigismund summoned both Polish and Lithuanian leaders to negotiate the terms of a permanent union at Lublin. However, Lithuanian nobles were unhappy with the proposed land and property rights that would allow Polish nobles to acquire land in Lithuania. When they left in protest, Sigismund annexed key Ruthenian territories, including Volhynia and Kiev, into Poland. This move secured the support of Ruthenian nobles, who welcomed the greater privileges offered by Polish law.

Faced with this territorial loss and increasing pressure, the Lithuanian elite agreed to sign the Union of Lublin on July 1, 1569, though they remained wary of full integration. In return, they secured guarantees that Lithuania would retain some autonomy through separate institutions, such as its own army and state offices.

Poland and Lithuania after the Union of Lublin (1569). © Halibutt

The Union of Lublin officially established the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, a joint polity ruled by an elected monarch. The two states would share a common foreign policy, currency, and Sejm (parliament), but retain distinct military and administrative systems. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania retained its title and institutions, though now subordinate to the Crown of Poland.

The death of Sigismund II Augustus in 1572 tested the union, as the two countries held joint royal elections for the first time. Lithuanian nobles remained cautious about Polish influence, even threatening to select a separate monarch if pressured. Despite these tensions, the Commonwealth emerged as a major power in Eastern Europe, capable of confronting Moscow and the Ottoman Empire.

The Union of Lublin marked a pivotal moment in Lithuanian history. It preserved the Grand Duchy’s sovereignty, but also confirmed Lithuania’s increasing cultural and political integration with Poland. This shift set the stage for future developments in the Commonwealth, including joint military campaigns, political reforms, and cultural exchanges. However, the arrangement also sowed seeds of future internal conflicts, as Lithuania’s elite struggled to balance autonomy with cooperation within the Commonwealth.

Following the death of Sigismund II Augustus in 1572, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, which had recently been unified under the Union of Lublin (1569), entered a critical period of transition. The Union had integrated Lithuania into a shared political system with Poland, though Lithuania retained some autonomy. However, with the extinction of the Jagiellonian dynasty, political uncertainty increased. Lithuania, along with Poland, now faced the complexities of noble democracy, which sought to limit the monarch's power. During the first interregnum, the Commonwealth’s nobles strengthened their influence through the establishment of local confederations (kapturs) to maintain public order and lay the groundwork for a new elective monarchy. These developments were crucial in reshaping Lithuanian governance as power shifted more decisively to the nobility.

Stephen Báthory's election in 1576, amidst this decentralized political environment, marked a significant phase in Lithuanian history. Although the magnates initially supported Maximilian II for the throne, opposition from reformists like Jan Zamoyski led to Báthory’s selection. Báthory’s reign introduced military strength to the Commonwealth, especially in conflicts such as the Livonian War against Muscovy. This war had profound implications for Lithuania, as control over Livonia was essential for securing access to trade routes in the Baltic Sea. His victory and the subsequent Truce of Jam Zapolski (1582) solidified the Commonwealth's northern frontier, ensuring Lithuania's influence over these strategic territories, although it also created further tensions with Russia and Sweden.

Within Lithuania, Báthory's reign also reflected the growing reliance of the monarchy on powerful nobles, a dynamic that was mirrored across the Commonwealth. His close collaboration with Jan Zamoyski, who played a key role in both governance and military campaigns, illustrated how the monarchy depended on influential magnates to maintain stability. However, Báthory's tensions with other noble factions, exemplified by the Zborowski affair, revealed the challenges of balancing royal authority with the interests of the aristocracy. These internal conflicts were not just confined to Poland but also affected Lithuanian politics, as the noble class in both regions sought to maximize their power within the new political framework.

Although Báthory initiated reforms, such as the establishment of Lithuanian Tribunals to shift judicial power from the monarchy to the nobility, these measures only deepened the decentralization of authority. His failure to enforce trade regulations through Gdańsk (Danzig) further weakened the Commonwealth’s economy, impacting Lithuania’s economic interests. Despite these setbacks, Báthory's military reforms, including the creation of the piechota wybraniecka (peasant infantry), marked an important step toward modernizing the Commonwealth's army.

Báthory’s death in 1586 left a mixed legacy for Lithuania. While his military successes temporarily secured strategic territories, the dependence on noble goodwill and internal divisions highlighted the structural weaknesses of the elective monarchy. For Lithuania, the reign of Báthory underscored both the potential and limitations of the Union of Lublin: although it provided opportunities for military and territorial expansion, it also exposed the vulnerabilities of a state governed by noble democracy. These unresolved tensions would continue to shape Lithuania’s political landscape in the years that followed, as the Commonwealth increasingly struggled to maintain its cohesion and influence amidst internal conflicts and external pressures.

After Stephen Báthory’s death in 1586, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth entered an era of factional disputes and external ambitions that shaped the history of both Poland and Lithuania. The election of Sigismund III Vasa, despite internal conflict and a brief civil war, marked the beginning of a reign defined by wars on multiple fronts—in the Baltic, Russia, and the Ottoman frontier—and internal power struggles with the nobility, whose increasing autonomy would prove to be both a strength and a liability.

Baltic Front: Polish–Swedish Wars (1600–1629)

Sigismund’s ascension raised hopes among Lithuanian and Polish elites for closer integration with Sweden. However, the prospect of unity quickly unraveled. Tensions over control of Estonia and Sigismund’s staunch Catholicism alienated Swedish Protestant leaders, leading to his dethronement in Sweden in 1599. Sigismund’s dethronement from the Swedish throne in 1599 turned his personal ambitions into a state conflict, igniting the Polish–Swedish wars over control of Livonia and Baltic trade routes.

The Battle of Kircholm (1605) was a rare but spectacular victory for the Commonwealth, with Lithuanian hetman Jan Karol Chodkiewicz leading a smaller force to defeat a much larger Swedish army. However, this triumph could not compensate for the strategic disadvantages caused by internal political fragmentation. Sweden’s persistent offensives—culminating in the 1626 invasion of Ducal Prussia—forced the Commonwealth to concede significant Baltic territories. The Truce of Altmark (1629) granted Sweden control over Livonia, a major loss for Lithuania that curtailed its influence in the region and diminished its economic power through disrupted trade routes.

Early Conflicts: The Zebrzydowski Rebellion (1606–1607)

Tensions between Sigismund III and the nobility (szlachta) emerged early in his reign. The king’s ambitions to centralize power and strengthen Catholic orthodoxy alienated powerful magnates and Protestant nobles alike. These tensions boiled over into the Zebrzydowski Rebellion (1606), led by Mikołaj Zebrzydowski and Janusz Radziwiłł, a powerful Lithuanian magnate.

The rebellion exposed the fragile political structure of the Commonwealth, where the monarchy depended heavily on the cooperation of nobles. Though Sigismund’s forces achieved victory at the Battle of Guzów (1607), the rebellion reinforced the nobility’s control over state affairs. Sejmiks (local assemblies) emerged even stronger, diminishing the effectiveness of the central Sejm and leaving the Commonwealth more decentralized than ever. For Lithuania, this fragmentation weakened its ability to coordinate military efforts during future wars, as nobles pursued their local interests at the expense of broader state strategy.

Opportunism in the East: The Polish–Russian War (1609–1618)

As the Commonwealth fought Sweden in the Baltic, a succession crisis in Russia—the Time of Troubles—offered a tempting opportunity for territorial expansion. Lithuanian and Polish forces, under the command of Hetman Żółkiewski, launched a campaign to capture Smolensk and install Sigismund’s son, Ladislaus, as the Tsar of Russia. The Battle of Klushino (1610) demonstrated the power of the Commonwealth’s winged hussars, leading to the occupation of Moscow.

However, as resistance to the Commonwealth’s rule grew, the initial success unraveled. By 1612, popular uprisings in Russia forced the withdrawal of Commonwealth forces. The Truce of Deulino (1618) secured Lithuania’s eastern border with the annexation of Smolensk, marking the Commonwealth’s greatest territorial expansion. Yet, the war left the state overextended and vulnerable, especially as resources had to be split between campaigns in the east and the Baltic.

The Commonwealth during Thirty Years' War (1618–1648)

Although Lithuania did not participate directly in the Thirty Years' War , the conflict influenced it politically and economically. The Commonwealth officially remained neutral, but Lithuanian soldiers, notably the Lisowczycy mercenaries, played a key role in supporting the Habsburgs, aiding in the defeat of Transylvanian forces and the suppression of the Bohemian Revolt at the Battle of White Mountain (1620). This intervention secured the Commonwealth’s western frontier, preventing potential Protestant uprisings from spreading towards Lithuania. However, disruptions to Baltic trade routes strained Lithuania’s economy, and religious refugees fleeing persecution in Silesia added social tensions within Lithuanian towns. While avoiding direct battles, Lithuania was indirectly affected by the conflict’s broader geopolitical shifts, especially in managing threats from Sweden, Russia, and the Ottoman Empire during the same period.

Southern Threats: Polish–Ottoman War (1620–1621)

Traditionally, Moldavia—situated between Poland-Lithuania and the Ottoman Empire—had been a vassal of the Polish Crown. However, as the Ottoman Empire expanded its influence, Moldavia’s position became precarious. By the late 16th century, both the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Ottoman Empire saw Moldavia as a buffer zone, vying for control over the region. The war that erupted in 1620 reflected broader regional tensions, complicated by internal rebellions, Cossack raids, and Poland’s diplomatic interventions during the early stages of the Thirty Years’ War.

The Polish–Ottoman War of 1620–1621 began with the Ottoman victory at the Battle of Cecora (1620), where Hetman Stanisław Żółkiewski was killed, exposing the Commonwealth's southern border to further Ottoman incursions. In response, both sides prepared over the winter, with the Ottomans amassing a large army and the Commonwealth regrouping with significant Cossack support. The two forces clashed at the fortress of Khotyn (1621), where the 45,000-strong Commonwealth army and Cossacks resisted repeated assaults from an Ottoman force twice their size. After a month of grueling combat, the exhausted Ottomans sued for peace. The Treaty of Khotyn ended the conflict, granting the Ottomans control over Moldavia as a vassal state, while the Commonwealth successfully halted the Ottoman advance into Ukraine and Poland. However, the Cossacks' continued raids along the Ottoman border ensured ongoing tensions despite the nominal peace.

Aftermath

By the end of Sigismund III Vasa’s reign, the Commonwealth, including Lithuania, was struggling under the weight of its territorial overreach and internal political divisions. The Zebrzydowski Rebellion had ensured that the monarchy would remain dependent on the nobility’s cooperation, limiting its ability to respond effectively to external threats. The wars with Sweden and Russia expanded Lithuania’s borders but left it economically weakened and vulnerable to future aggression.

Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth at its maximum extent. © Samotny Wędrowiec

Though the Treaty of Altmark and Truce of Deulino marked the Commonwealth’s peak territorial extent, the fragmented political system prevented it from fully capitalizing on these gains. For Lithuania, the 17th century began with territorial expansion but ended with diminished influence in the Baltic and growing instability. These wars demonstrated the interconnected nature of the Commonwealth’s conflicts: each new war compounded the strain on military resources and political unity, leaving Lithuania in a precarious position as the state entered the following decades of crisis and decline.

Following the death of Sigismund III Vasa in 1632, Władysław IV Vasa ascended to the throne, inheriting the challenges of maintaining stability in the sprawling Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. His reign began with the Smolensk War (1632–1634) against Russia, a conflict initiated by Tsar Michael I to exploit the temporary power vacuum in the Commonwealth. Russian forces invaded Lithuania, laying siege to Smolensk. Władysław personally led the Commonwealth’s army, broke the siege, and surrounded the Russian troops under Mikhail Shein, forcing their surrender in 1634. The Treaty of Polyanovka ended the war, with Russia agreeing to minor concessions, paying indemnities, and Władysław relinquishing his symbolic claim to the Russian throne.

After securing the eastern front, Władysław turned his attention southward, dealing with the threat from the Ottoman Empire. In 1633, Ottoman forces tested the Commonwealth’s defenses, but Hetman Stanisław Koniecpolski led a successful campaign that renewed peace between the two powers. The treaty reaffirmed the Commonwealth’s independence, alleviating the threat of Tatar raids and confirming the Commonwealth’s influence over the region.

Meanwhile, Władysław faced challenges in the north with the expiration of the Truce of Altmark between the Commonwealth and Sweden. While the king hoped for military gains to reclaim lost territories and assert his dynastic claim to the Swedish crown, the Sejm favored diplomacy. The Treaty of Stuhmsdorf (1635) ensured the return of key territories in Prussia but left most of Livonia under Swedish control, weakening Władysław’s ambitions.

Throughout his reign, Władysław attempted to reform the Commonwealth's political and military structures. His efforts included modernizing the army, establishing a navy, and negotiating increased royal authority. However, many of his proposals, such as creating a chivalric order and raising trade tariffs, faced staunch opposition from the szlachta (nobility). This resistance highlighted the entrenched power of the nobility and the limitations of royal authority within the Commonwealth's decentralized political system.

Although Władysław navigated his reign without major internal revolts, tensions simmered beneath the surface. His inability to enact substantial reforms and the growing dysfunction of the legislative system left the Commonwealth unprepared for future challenges. His death in 1648 marked the end of relative stability.

As the reign of Władysław IV Vasa drew to a close, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth seemed to enjoy a fragile peace after repelling invasions by Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Yet beneath this surface, tensions simmered across its vast territories. The Cossacks, restless and angered by broken promises, grew increasingly discontent with their diminished military privileges and the oppressive control of Polish magnates. The cancellation of planned campaigns against the Ottoman Empire only intensified this frustration, leaving thousands of mobilized Cossack warriors idle and seething with resentment.

Meanwhile, the Commonwealth’s aristocracy tightened its grip on Ukrainian lands, using Jewish leaseholders to enforce heavy taxes and exploit the peasantry. The policies of the Polish nobility widened the gap between the Orthodox population and the Catholic rulers. The scorching summer of 1648, combined with a devastating locust infestation, ravaged crops and intensified food shortages across Ukraine, amplifying the region’s instability. This worsening oppression, coupled with the magnates' indifference to Cossack demands, set the stage for an explosion of rebellion.

In 1648, as the Commonwealth mourned the death of Władysław IV, Bohdan Khmelnytsky emerged as the leader of a new Cossack uprising. Khmelnytsky, wronged by a Polish nobleman, had found no justice through official channels, and thus turned to the Cossack brotherhood for revenge. The Cossacks, embittered and yearning for autonomy, rallied behind him, and Khmelnytsky struck a fateful alliance with the Crimean Tatars, whose cavalry gave his forces a powerful edge. Together, the Cossack-Tatar coalition marched into battle, defeating Commonwealth forces decisively at Zhovti Vody and Korsun, capturing key military leaders and spreading fear through the land.

With the Crown reeling from these defeats, Jeremi Wiśniowiecki, a powerful magnate with vast estates in Ukraine, launched ruthless counterattacks, but his scorched-earth tactics only deepened the divisions. As Khmelnytsky’s forces surged westward, burning estates and toppling local authorities, the Commonwealth struggled to contain the rebellion. The interregnum following Władysław IV’s death paralyzed the state, leaving it leaderless when swift decisions were most needed. John Casimir Vasa eventually ascended the throne, but his efforts to negotiate peace were undermined by mistrust on both sides.

Khmelnytsky's initial victories emboldened the Cossacks, transforming the rebellion into a broader movement for liberation from Polish rule. His armies pressed deeper into Polish territory, threatening cities like Lviv and Zamość. The Commonwealth, though battered, managed to regroup, and in 1649 at the Treaty of Zboriv, the Crown reluctantly recognized the Cossack Hetmanate, granting Khmelnytsky autonomy over parts of Ukraine. But this uneasy peace did not last. Hostilities resumed, and in 1651, the Commonwealth achieved a critical victory at the Battle of Berestechko, momentarily halting the Cossack advance.

Despite the defeat at Berestechko, Khmelnytsky refused to surrender his ambitions. Seeking new allies, he looked to the Tsardom of Russia, resulting in the Treaty of Pereyaslav in 1654. This pact brought Russian military support, but at the cost of Ukrainian independence, drawing Russia directly into the conflict with Poland. The Cossack uprising thus evolved into the Russo-Polish War (1654–1667), further straining the Commonwealth’s resources and undermining its authority.

As Khmelnytsky’s uprising dragged on, the devastation spread across Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania. Towns lay in ruins, populations were decimated by war, famine, and plague, and the Cossack-Tatar alliance frayed under the pressures of prolonged conflict. The rebellion shattered the Commonwealth’s ability to project power in the east and invited foreign powers—Russia and Sweden—into its territories. What began as a Cossack revolt transformed into a regional struggle that would later engulf the Commonwealth during The Deluge (1655–1660), plunging it into a period of irreversible decline.

By the time the dust settled, Khmelnytsky had died, and the Cossack Hetmanate became a vassal of the Tsardom of Russia, shifting the balance of power in Eastern Europe. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, once a dominant force in the region, found itself weakened, vulnerable, and embroiled in further wars. The Khmelnytsky Uprising not only marked the end of the Commonwealth’s dominance in Ukraine but also foreshadowed the long decline that would culminate in its eventual partition and disappearance from the map of Europe.

The Russo-Polish War of 1654–1667 unfolded against the turbulent backdrop of the Deluge and followed on the heels of earlier conflicts, such as the Khmelnytsky Uprising. As Sweden and Russia exploited the Commonwealth's internal turmoil, Lithuania faced simultaneous threats from Russian advances in the east and Swedish incursions from the north. Russia’s involvement initially stemmed from the Pereyaslav Agreement with the Cossacks, giving Moscow influence over Ukrainian lands and sparking the war with the Commonwealth.

Polish-Russian War 1654–1667. © Hoodinski

During the early phases of the conflict, Russian forces captured Smolensk and large portions of Lithuania, including Vilnius, while the Commonwealth struggled under siege from both Swedish and Russian armies. Lithuanian leaders like Janusz Radziwiłł attempted to fend off Russian forces, but disunity within the Commonwealth left Lithuania vulnerable. Meanwhile, Ukrainian territory became a battleground between the Polish Crown, Cossack factions, and Moscow, with figures like Bohdan Khmelnytsky and Ivan Vyhovsky shifting allegiances.

The war intensified in 1660 when the Commonwealth, having ended the Swedish conflict through the Treaty of Oliva, focused on reclaiming lost territories. Key victories, such as the Battle of Polonka and the defeat of Vasily Sheremetev at Chudniv, temporarily reversed Russian gains. However, continued Ukrainian unrest, including the rise of Petro Doroshenko and the division of Ukraine along the Dnieper River, complicated the Commonwealth’s efforts. Lithuania managed to recover some areas, but the strain of constant warfare undermined its long-term stability.

The conflict concluded with the 1667 Truce of Andrusovo, which marked a turning point in Eastern Europe. Russia retained left-bank Ukraine, including Kiev, and Smolensk, cementing its rise as a regional power. The Commonwealth emerged from the conflict exhausted, with Lithuania weakened and its borders diminished. The failure to consolidate power in Ukraine and the east set the stage for further Russian expansion and eroded the Commonwealth's influence, foreshadowing the gradual decline of Polish-Lithuanian dominance in the region.

The Swedish invasion of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, known as the Deluge (1655–1660), unfolded within the larger context of the Second Northern War. By this point, the Commonwealth had already been severely weakened by successive wars with Russia and the ongoing Khmelnytsky Uprising. Russian forces occupied most of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, while Cossack forces controlled large portions of Ukraine. This fragmentation left the Commonwealth vulnerable to opportunistic attacks, especially from Sweden, which sought to exploit the Commonwealth’s internal instability.

The occupation of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (union state of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and Grand Duchy of Lithuania) during The Deluge and Chmielnicki's Uprising. © Halibutt

Invasion and Lithuanian Involvement

Sweden's King Charles X Gustav launched his invasion in 1655 with the intent of dominating the Baltic region. Lithuania’s weakened state led to divided loyalties among the nobility, with figures like Janusz Radziwiłł signing the controversial Union of Kėdainiai, aligning Lithuania with Sweden to counterbalance Russian advances. The defection of Lithuanian leaders like the Radziwiłłs, however, further fragmented the Commonwealth and inflamed tensions within the union between Poland and Lithuania.

Military Collapse and Guerrilla Resistance

Swedish forces rapidly captured major Commonwealth territories, including the cities of Kraków and Warsaw, encountering minimal resistance from the disorganized armies. Meanwhile, Lithuanian troops under Paweł Jan Sapieha resisted both Swedish and Russian forces, maintaining loyalty to John Casimir. With key Polish-Lithuanian leaders either defeated or in exile, much of the resistance came from local uprisings—peasants, townsfolk, and loyalist nobility—especially in areas like Greater Poland and the Lithuanian countryside. These irregular forces, inspired by guerrilla tactics, played a significant role in disrupting Swedish control.

Jasna Góra and the Turning Point

The defense of the Jasna Góra Monastery became a symbol of Polish resistance, galvanizing efforts against the invaders. In 1656, John Casimir returned from exile and rallied support for a national uprising. Lithuania, though weakened by losses, played a key role in guerrilla campaigns and helped block Swedish advances alongside Polish allies.

Political Shifts and Treaties

The war forced Sweden to alter its strategies, especially as Russia, which initially expanded into Lithuanian territories, grew wary of unchecked Swedish power. This shift led to a realignment: the Commonwealth reached an agreement with Russia to jointly oppose Sweden, though this treaty came at the cost of recognizing Russian territorial gains in the east. In 1657, Brandenburg-Prussia broke with Sweden, and by 1660, the Treaty of Oliva ended the war. However, the Commonwealth’s recovery was limited—Lithuania was left devastated, and Swedish forces had inflicted widespread destruction across the region.

Aftermath for Lithuania and the Commonwealth

The Deluge profoundly damaged Lithuania and the rest of the Commonwealth, marking a turning point in the region’s fortunes. Lithuania, already reeling from the Khmelnytsky Uprising and Russian incursions, emerged from the war economically devastated and politically weakened. The Commonwealth’s Baltic ambitions were curtailed, and Lithuania struggled to recover from the demographic and material losses. Moreover, the growing influence of Brandenburg-Prussia and Russia foreshadowed the decline of the Commonwealth’s power, setting the stage for future conflicts and the eventual partitions of Poland and Lithuania in the 18th century.

The wars involving the Ottoman Empire during the reign of John III Sobieski, particularly his campaigns at Khotyn (1673) and Vienna (1683), represent the Commonwealth’s final heroic military engagements amid a century of decline caused by prior wars, uprisings, and external invasions. These campaigns followed the devastating wars with Russia, the Cossack uprisings, and the Swedish Deluge—events that fragmented the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth's political structure and drained its military resources.

The Commonwealth's earlier struggles with the Cossacks, including the Khmelnytsky Uprising and the Russo-Polish War (1654–1667), had significantly weakened its grip on Ukraine and emboldened Russia’s territorial ambitions. The Treaty of Andrusovo in 1667, which concluded the war with Russia, left large swathes of eastern Ukraine and Smolensk in Russian hands, reducing the Commonwealth's influence in the region. These losses also created a power vacuum in Ukraine, which invited Ottoman expansion and sparked further instability, as Cossack leaders, including Petro Doroshenko, sought alliances with the Ottoman Empire to regain autonomy.

The Polish–Cossack–Tatar War (1666–1671) further destabilized the Commonwealth in the aftermath of the Treaty of Andrusovo. The war was driven by the ambitions of Cossack leader Petro Doroshenko, who allied with the Crimean Tatars and the Ottoman Empire to consolidate control over right-bank Ukraine. This conflict exposed the Commonwealth’s diminishing capacity to govern its eastern territories effectively, as internal factionalism and magnate rivalries weakened its response to external threats. Although Hetman John Sobieski managed to defeat Tatar incursions at battles such as Podhajce (1667), the war set the stage for future Ottoman advances, culminating in the humiliating Treaty of Buchach (1672). The Polish-Cossack-Tatar War exemplified the growing inability of the Commonwealth to maintain its borders and military cohesion, further complicating its struggles with Russia and exacerbating the long-term decline of the state.

In the midst of this disarray, Sobieski rose to prominence by successfully leading campaigns against Ottoman incursions into the Commonwealth's weakened borderlands. His victory at the Battle of Khotyn (1673) temporarily halted Ottoman advances and provided a brief resurgence in national unity. However, the Commonwealth’s internal factionalism persisted, limiting the scope of Sobieski’s successes. Following the abdication of King John II Casimir and the short reign of Michał Korybut Wiśniowiecki, the Commonwealth's governance remained paralyzed by infighting among the magnates, leaving it vulnerable to Ottoman and Russian maneuvers.

Sobieski’s most famous achievement came in 1683 when he led a coalition army to break the Ottoman siege of Vienna, a campaign that secured the Habsburg Empire and cemented his reputation as the "savior of Christendom." The magnate factions quickly resumed their rivalries, eroding any political unity gained from his military successes. Despite brief moments of national pride, the state was paralyzed by factionalism, with powerful nobles undermining royal authority. Following Sobieski’s death in 1696, the Commonwealth entered a prolonged period of instability. Lacking effective central governance, it became increasingly vulnerable to external pressures from rising powers like Russia, Austria, and Prussia.

Sobieski’s later campaigns, including his involvement in the Great Turkish War (1683–1699), were driven by his alliance with the Holy League—a coalition of European powers formed to counter Ottoman expansion. After the Battle of Vienna (1683), where Sobieski’s leadership ended the Ottoman siege, subsequent campaigns aimed to capitalize on that victory. However, coordination among the Holy League allies proved inadequate. Sobieski's forces embarked on additional offensives, such as the failed Danube campaign in 1686 and an ill-fated expedition into Moldavia in 1691, marking the twilight of the Commonwealth’s military strength. These efforts achieved limited strategic gains, leaving key territories like Kamieniec Podolski in Ottoman hands until the Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699, which concluded the war but highlighted the diminishing influence of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth on the European stage.

Following the devastating wars of the 17th century, including conflicts with Russia, Sweden, and the Cossack uprisings, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth entered the 18th century deeply fragmented. The Treaty of Andrusovo (1667) had left key eastern territories in Russian hands, diminishing the Commonwealth’s influence. Meanwhile, internal factionalism and economic decline left both Poland and Lithuania vulnerable to external manipulation. The Commonwealth's military strength was heavily reduced by these wars, leaving it struggling to maintain unity.

The unexpected election of Augustus II of Saxony in 1697 created a personal union between Saxony and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, bringing together two politically and economically dissimilar entities. Augustus’ ambitions mirrored those of absolutist rulers like Louis XIV, as he sought to strengthen his authority and reclaim Livonia—lost to Sweden. However, the Polish nobility resisted his efforts, fearing the erosion of their privileges. Augustus stationed the Saxon army within the Commonwealth, which alienated many nobles and deepened internal divisions.

The Great Northern War (1700–1721), which aimed to curb Swedish dominance in the Baltic, became the turning point for the Commonwealth. Augustus allied with Russia and Denmark against Sweden, using the conflict to pursue Saxon and Polish interests in Livonia. However, the war exposed the Commonwealth’s weakened state. The Swedish king, Charles XII, quickly invaded Polish territories, leading to the forced abdication of Augustus and the installation of Stanisław Leszczyński as a puppet king under Swedish influence. This resulted in a civil war within the Commonwealth, as the nobility divided into pro-Saxon and pro-Swedish factions.

Despite Saxony’s recovery after the Battle of Poltava (1709), which ended Swedish dominance, the Commonwealth suffered lasting consequences. The war further weakened Lithuania and Poland, exposing them to Russian interference. The Silent Sejm of 1717, overseen by Tsar Peter I, limited the size of the Commonwealth’s military and marked the beginning of Russia's long-term control over the region. This era signaled the decline of both Lithuania and the Commonwealth as independent powers, as Augustus II's ambitions failed to translate into real influence, leaving the Commonwealth increasingly dependent on external powers.

The Great Northern War Plague outbreak (1708–1712) further devastated the region. This plague, which spread across much of Northern and Eastern Europe, ravaged Poland, Lithuania, and Livonia, decimating civilian populations already weakened by years of war. The disease spread rapidly through military camps, besieged cities, and trade routes, wiping out entire communities. In Vilnius, the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the plague killed tens of thousands of residents. Rural areas were also heavily impacted, leading to widespread famine and economic collapse. The outbreak undermined attempts at recovery, as agricultural production halted, and trade was severely disrupted. Lithuania, in particular, never fully recovered from the demographic and economic toll of the plague, which compounded the Commonwealth’s structural weaknesses.

Although Augustus II reclaimed the throne after the defeat of Sweden, the Commonwealth’s long-term decline could not be reversed. The population losses from both the war and the plague outbreak reduced the state's ability to defend itself or rebuild economically. Lithuania’s weakened infrastructure became increasingly dependent on the larger powers of Russia and Prussia. The union with Saxony, initially seen as a potential path to stabilization, instead revealed the Commonwealth’s structural fragility and deepened its reliance on foreign powers—setting the stage for further decline in the decades to come.

The final years of Augustus II’s reign were marked by efforts to consolidate power and secure a dynastic succession for his son, Friedrich August. However, these ambitions clashed with Lithuania’s internal dynamics, which reflected a broader pattern of magnate factions pursuing private interests. Augustus, constrained by the political limitations imposed after the Silent Sejm of 1717, sought Austrian support and made strategic marriages, but his attempts to centralize power alienated the Lithuanian nobility. Lithuania, like the rest of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, was increasingly fragmented and influenced by foreign powers, weakening its ability to act independently during the growing geopolitical tensions.

Augustus’ reign saw a decline in Lithuania’s military capacity and political cohesion, exacerbated by the devastation of the Great Northern War and the accompanying plague outbreak. Although Augustus managed to bring a measure of peace after the war, his focus on securing the Polish throne for his son created friction among the Commonwealth’s factions. The weakening of internal governance in Lithuania also set the stage for the challenges that would emerge with the War of Polish Succession (1733–1735).

When Augustus II died in 1733, his efforts to secure the throne for his son triggered a succession crisis, sparking the War of Polish Succession. Lithuania’s political factions divided along familiar lines, with some supporting the Saxon dynasty and others rallying behind the former Polish king, Stanisław Leszczyński, whose supporters opposed Saxon influence. The conflict reinforced Lithuania’s growing vulnerability, as Russia, Austria, and France exploited the succession struggle to further their own interests. The war confirmed Augustus III as king, but it also highlighted the Commonwealth’s inability to control its own affairs, with Lithuania remaining under the shadow of foreign manipulation.

Europe after the 1738 Treaty of Vienna, which concluded the war. © Bryan Rutherford

The Treaty of Vienna (1738), which concluded the war, left lasting consequences for Lithuania. Poland–Lithuania relinquished its claims to Livonia and ceded direct control over the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia. While Courland technically remained a fief of the Commonwealth, it was never fully integrated into its political structure and gradually fell under significant Russian influence. This dominance persisted until the collapse of the Russian Empire in 1917, marking the end of Russian control over the region.

The reforms of the Great Sejm (1788–1792) and the adoption of the May 3, 1791 Constitution were pivotal moments in the history of both Poland and Lithuania, marking a final, ambitious attempt to revitalize the crumbling Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The reforms sought to address long-standing internal weaknesses, including political fragmentation and the destabilizing influence of foreign powers. For Lithuania, these reforms were particularly significant because they aimed to integrate the governance of the Grand Duchy with that of the Polish Crown, while still preserving the distinct identity and status of the Lithuanian nobility.

The Constitution of May 3rd abolished the liberum veto—a parliamentary rule that had paralyzed decision-making—and established majority voting in the Sejm. It also reformed the decentralized state structure by creating a more unified central government, combining Poland’s and Lithuania’s treasuries and military under a shared administration. Lithuania's participation was further ensured by reserving half of the top government offices for Lithuanian nobles. This restructuring offered hope that the Commonwealth could better defend its territories, especially from the growing threats posed by Russia and Prussia.

However, the reforms, while progressive, were ultimately short-lived. The changes alienated many conservative nobles, particularly those who sought to maintain their autonomy, leading to internal resistance. Most notably, these reforms provoked opposition from powerful Lithuanian magnates like Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki, who sided with Russia in forming the Confederation of Targowica, which invited Russia to invade and restore the old order. The Polish–Russian War of 1792 and the rise of the Targowica Confederation marked the beginning of the Commonwealth’s irreversible collapse.

The Polish army, under Prince Józef Poniatowski and Tadeusz Kościuszko, fought bravely but was overwhelmed. Lithuania fell quickly due to betrayal by Duke Louis of Württemberg and poor leadership. Despite some tactical victories, such as the Battle of Zieleńce, King Stanisław August Poniatowski, under pressure from Catherine, ordered a halt to military resistance, effectively surrendering to the Confederation. This capitulation dismantled the progress of the Great Sejm and placed the Commonwealth under Russian control.

Following the Russian victory, Targowica leaders established a reactionary regime, undoing reforms and suppressing Enlightenment ideals. However, Russia and Prussia, seeing the weakened state as ripe for exploitation, negotiated the Second Partition of Poland in 1793. Prussia annexed Greater Poland, Thorn (Toruń), and Danzig (Gdańsk), while Russia absorbed large portions of Belarus and Ukraine, leaving the Commonwealth a mere shadow of its former self.

The partition left Lithuania under the de facto rule of pro-Russian magnates, such as the Kossakowski brothers, governing in the name of the Tsar. The puppet Grodno Sejm, held under Russian military supervision, legitimized the territorial cessions. Although the remaining Commonwealth was nominally independent, it functioned as a Russian protectorate. The partitions and Targowica's betrayal set the stage for future uprisings, including the Kościuszko Uprising, and ultimately led to the Third Partition (1795), erasing Poland and Lithuania from the map until the 20th century.

The Third Partition of Poland (1795), which ended the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, came after a period of increasing foreign intervention and internal reforms that sought to salvage the state's sovereignty. Prior to the third partition, the Second Partition of Poland (1793) had already drastically reduced the size of the Commonwealth, with Prussia and Russia annexing large territories. Despite the attempts to reform and strengthen the Commonwealth, including the adoption of the May 3, 1791 Constitution, the conservative nobility's betrayal and Prussia’s abandonment left the country vulnerable.

In response to these partitions, Tadeusz Kościuszko led the Kościuszko Uprising (1794), an armed rebellion aiming to resist foreign occupation and restore Poland-Lithuania's independence. The uprising gained some early victories but was eventually crushed by the combined forces of Russia and Prussia. This defeat led to the Third Partition, in which Lithuania and the remainder of the Commonwealth were divided between Russia, Prussia, and the Habsburg Monarchy, ending the Commonwealth's existence as a sovereign state.

For Lithuania, the result of the third partition was the complete annexation of its territory by Russia. After the partition, Lithuania became part of the Russian Empire, with its political structures dismantled and absorbed into the imperial administration. The Lithuanian nobility, much like their Polish counterparts, lost their influence, and the territory underwent Russification efforts, which would have lasting impacts on its national identity until its eventual liberation in the 20th century.

Aftermath of the Third Partition of the Commonwealth, with the disappearance of sovereign Poland and Lithuania. © Halibutt

This marked the beginning of over a century of Russian rule in Lithuania, where the Lithuanian people faced significant cultural suppression, including bans on the use of the Lithuanian language in public life. Despite this, Lithuanian national identity and aspirations for independence persisted, contributing to later efforts to re-establish sovereignty in the 19th and 20th centuries.

After the dissolution of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1795, most of Lithuania fell under Russian control, with Vilnius becoming part of the Vilna Governorate. Early in the 19th century, there were some hopes for a degree of recognition or autonomy, but these never materialized under the Russian Empire.

Modern Lithuania with the former Russian Empire's administrative divisions (governorates) shown (1867–1914). © Knutux

In 1803, Tsar Alexander I reopened and expanded the Jesuit academy into the imperial Vilnius University, which became the largest university in the empire, overseen by Prince Adam Czartoryski. However, Lithuanian hopes of liberation were briefly reignited during Napoleon's invasion of Russia in 1812, with many Lithuanians supporting the French. The region taken by Prussia during the third partition was later incorporated into the Duchy of Warsaw (1807–1815) and eventually became part of the Russian-controlled Kingdom of Poland (Congress Poland).

Resistance to Russian rule persisted in Lithuania, culminating in two major uprisings: the November Uprising (1830–1831) and the January Uprising (1863–1864). Both revolts, led jointly by Poles and Lithuanians, sought to restore independence, but both were brutally suppressed. After the November Uprising, Tsar Nicholas I intensified Russification efforts, closing the University of Vilnius and curtailing Polish cultural activities. Following the January Uprising, repression deepened, with increased military presence and harsher restrictions on cultural expression.

In 1840, the Statutes of Lithuania—the legal codes of the former Grand Duchy—were formally abolished, erasing any legal distinction for the region within the empire. Additionally, the Uniate Church (prevalent in Belarusian parts of the Grand Duchy) was forcibly merged with the Russian Orthodox Church in 1839.

Despite these suppressions, Lithuanian identity persisted through cultural and national movements, laying the groundwork for Lithuanian nationalism. By the mid-19th century, the gradual abolition of serfdom (1861) across the Russian Empire began reshaping Lithuanian society, helping forge new social dynamics that would later fuel the national awakening. While Lithuanian-language education and culture were stifled, figures like Simonas Daukantas emerged, promoting Lithuanian history and language, which became critical in building a national consciousness that would ultimately lead to Lithuania’s quest for independence in the 20th century.

The rise of Lithuanian nationalism in the 19th century emerged from the aftermath of the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the ensuing period of Russian domination. Lithuanian identity evolved through cultural resistance, intellectual revival, and peasant empowerment, breaking away from prior associations with Polish culture and establishing Lithuanian language and history as the cornerstone of national consciousness.

Early Foundations and Key Influences

The Polish poet Adam Mickiewicz, emotionally tied to Lithuanian landscapes, inspired early nationalist thought, while Simonas Daukantas sought to revive pre-Commonwealth traditions, advocating for Lithuanian-language historical narratives. Daukantas, along with Teodor Narbutt, emphasized Lithuania’s deep cultural roots and its linguistic ties to Sanskrit, offering arguments for the cultural antiquity of the Lithuanian people.

Uprisings and Shifting Loyalties

The November Uprising (1830–31) and January Uprising (1863–64) against Russian rule were pivotal moments, reflecting growing discontent with Russian repression. These revolts failed but laid the groundwork for a shift in Lithuanian identity, moving away from Polish-led political movements toward a language-based Lithuanian nationalism. Peasants, newly emancipated after 1861, became the custodians of the Lithuanian language, especially as cities increasingly adopted Polish or Russian in daily life.

Cultural Revival and Press Ban

The Lithuanian press ban (1864–1904), imposed by Russian authorities to enforce Russification, banned the use of the Latin alphabet in favor of Cyrillic. In defiance, Lithuanians smuggled books and periodicals printed abroad, particularly from East Prussia. Figures like Bishop Motiejus Valančius led efforts to resist Russification by promoting Lithuanian education and clandestine publishing efforts.

Book Smuggling

After the January Uprising of 1863, the Russian authorities implemented strict Russification policies, banning the Lithuanian language in public education and mandating the use of Cyrillic script in all publications. In defiance, Lithuanians organized an extensive underground network to smuggle books printed in the Latin alphabet, mainly from East Prussia and as far away as the United States. These smugglers risked imprisonment, exile, and even death, transporting prohibited texts across borders and distributing them in secret.

Jurgis Bielinis, known as the "King of the Book Smugglers," was one of the key figures in this operation, coordinating deliveries from Prussia into Lithuania. Motiejus Valančius, a Catholic bishop, played a vital role by encouraging priests and communities to distribute religious texts, ensuring the preservation of both faith and language. Other smugglers, like Kazys Ūdra and Juozas Masiulis, risked arrest and exile to maintain the flow of banned books. Smugglers concealed literature in carts, barrels, or personal clothing, constantly evading Russian patrols.

Emergence of Lithuanian National Leaders

The late 19th century saw influential activists like Jonas Basanavičius and Vincas Kudirka spearheading the nationalist movement. Basanavičius, influenced by the Czech National Revival, founded the newspaper Aušra (The Dawn) in 1883, promoting Lithuanian cultural pride. Kudirka contributed through poetry and journalism, penning the Lithuanian national anthem, Tautiška giesmė.

Political Activism and the Great Seimas of Vilnius

During the 1905 Russian Revolution, Lithuanian activists convened the Great Seimas of Vilnius, demanding autonomy for Lithuania within the Russian Empire. Though the Tsar granted limited concessions, including the restoration of Lithuanian language use, full autonomy remained elusive.

The revival solidified by the early 20th century—rooted in language, literature, and cultural pride—provided the foundation for Lithuania’s eventual push for independence in 1918.

Following Russia’s entry into World War I, the German Empire occupied Lithuania and Courland in 1915. Vilnius fell to German forces on September 19, 1915, and Lithuania was incorporated into Ober Ost, a German military administration. The Germans aimed to establish dominance without formal annexation, intending to create a network of nominally independent states in the Baltic region, indirectly controlled by Germany to avoid backlash.

Lithuania faced severe hardships under German occupation, including economic exploitation and strict military control. The Germans restricted Lithuanian nationalist activities, while also suppressing Russian influence in the region. The occupation disrupted social life, but it also contributed to the weakening of Russian control, setting the stage for future independence efforts.

The complex political situation gave the Baltic Germans hope for a closer alignment with Germany. However, German plans for formal annexation were shelved in favor of maintaining Ober Ost as a strategic and economic outpost during the war. Despite German ambitions, the Lithuanian national movement gained momentum, preparing for future autonomy as German control began to weaken toward the end of the war.

Lithuania declared independence on February 16, 1918, during the German occupation, but the establishment of state institutions was hindered by German authorities, who initially refused to recognize the new government. After the end of German occupation in November 1918, Lithuania’s first government, led by Augustinas Voldemaras, initially underestimated the need for a strong military. However, it quickly became clear that the new state would need to defend itself. Despite limited resources, Lithuania began organizing an army, attracting volunteers with promises of land and patriotic appeals.

Lithuania’s struggle for independence after World War I was marked by a series of conflicts known as the Lithuanian Wars of Independence (1918–1920). These wars were critical for consolidating the nation’s sovereignty, which had been proclaimed on February 16, 1918, after more than a century of foreign rule under the Russian Empire. The independence process, however, was met with immediate military threats from several fronts, including Bolshevik Russia, German-backed forces, and Poland.

War against the Bolsheviks

The Lithuanian-Soviet War broke out in December 1918 as the Bolsheviks, aiming to spread their revolution westward, launched an offensive into Lithuanian territory. The conflict saw key battles around Vilnius, which fell to the Red Army in early January 1919, forcing the Lithuanian government to retreat to Kaunas. Lithuanian and German forces, including the Saxon volunteers, managed to halt the Bolshevik advance by mid-1919, with significant engagements around Panevėžys and Šiauliai. By August 1919, the Lithuanians had successfully repelled the Bolsheviks, ensuring the preservation of their independence.

Advance of Bolshevik forces (red arrows). The red line shows the Bolshevik front in January 1919. © Renata3

War against the Bermontians

At the same time, Lithuania faced a threat from the Bermontians, a German-Russian volunteer force under Pavel Bermondt-Avalov, who sought to retain German control in the Baltic region. In the autumn of 1919, the Bermontians seized key towns in western Lithuania, including Radviliškis and Šiauliai. Lithuanian forces, led by General Kazys Ladiga, mounted a counter-offensive, winning a decisive victory at Radviliškis in November 1919. The defeat of the Bermontians cemented Lithuania's control over its western territories.

War against Poland

The most politically complex conflict was the Polish–Lithuanian War over the Vilnius region. In 1920, after briefly recapturing Vilnius from the Bolsheviks, Lithuania was drawn into conflict with Poland. Despite efforts to negotiate, tensions escalated when Polish General Lucjan Żeligowski led an unofficial “mutiny” to seize Vilnius in October 1920. This offensive resulted in the annexation of the city by Poland, forcing Lithuania to relocate its capital to Kaunas. Diplomatic attempts to resolve the territorial dispute were unsuccessful, and Vilnius remained under Polish control until 1939.

The advance of Polish (blue arrows), Lithuanian (dark purple arrows), Latvian/German (white arrows from west), and Estonian/Latvian (white arrows from north) forces. The blue line shows the Polish front in May 1920. © Renata3

The wars had significant long-term implications. Militarily, they established the Lithuanian armed forces as a credible defense force, despite being initially under-resourced. Politically, the conflicts delayed international recognition of Lithuanian sovereignty but eventually solidified the state’s independence. Although Lithuania lost Vilnius, it gained a sense of national unity and identity through these struggles. The wars also demonstrated Lithuania’s strategic importance in the geopolitical landscape of postwar Europe, balancing the interests of Germany, Poland, and Soviet Russia.

The Klaipėda Revolt in January 1923 was a carefully coordinated Lithuanian military and political maneuver to annex the Klaipėda Region, which had been placed under French administration by the League of Nations following World War I. The region was of strategic importance, as it provided Lithuania with essential access to the Baltic Sea through its port city of Klaipėda (formerly Memel). Lithuania justified the annexation based on the region’s Prussian Lithuanian population and economic necessity. 

Lithuania's concerns grew when the League of Nations appeared inclined to turn Klaipėda into an autonomous Free City, similar to Danzig. To preempt an unfavorable diplomatic decision, Lithuanian leaders staged the revolt, disguising their involvement by presenting the uprising as a grassroots movement by the local population. Lithuanian riflemen and volunteers entered the region on January 9, 1923, and, after encountering minimal resistance, took control of most areas. The capture of Klaipėda itself on January 15 required minor skirmishes with French troops, resulting in light casualties on both sides.

International reactions were initially hostile, with France threatening military action. However, other Allied powers, preoccupied with the occupation of the Ruhr and wary of provoking wider conflicts, leaned toward accepting the situation as a fait accompli. The League of Nations eventually negotiated a solution, formalizing Klaipėda's transfer to Lithuania through the Klaipėda Convention in 1924. This agreement granted the region autonomy while integrating it under Lithuanian sovereignty.

Although the revolt was celebrated as a significant diplomatic victory for Lithuania, tensions with Germany persisted. These unresolved issues would culminate in 1939 when Nazi Germany, under Adolf Hitler, issued an ultimatum demanding Klaipėda's return, which Lithuania conceded to avoid military confrontation. The Klaipėda Revolt remains a defining moment in interwar Lithuanian history, symbolizing both the nation’s strategic acumen and the complex political pressures it faced from neighboring powers.

During Lithuania’s authoritarian period (1926–1940), the country underwent significant political, social, and economic shifts under the leadership of Antanas Smetona. His rise to power began with the 1926 coup d'état, which removed the democratically elected government amid growing dissatisfaction with its policies, such as signing the Soviet–Lithuanian Non-Aggression Pact. The coup was supported by conservative factions, including the Lithuanian Nationalists Union (Tautininkai) and Christian Democrats, with Smetona becoming president and Augustinas Voldemaras assuming the role of prime minister. However, Smetona soon consolidated power, sidelining even allies like Voldemaras, and ruling as an authoritarian leader until Lithuania’s occupation in 1940. 

Smetona's regime dissolved the Seimas (parliament) in 1927, despite earlier promises to restore democracy. The political system transitioned towards centralized control, with political parties gradually banned except for the Lithuanian Nationalists Union. In 1928, Smetona introduced a new constitution that dramatically increased presidential powers. He began to foster a cult of personality, referring to himself as "tautos vadas" (Leader of the Nation). Smetona's government maintained strict control over public discourse and media, suppressing opposition efforts, including a failed leftist rebellion in 1927. Political tensions heightened with deteriorating relations between Lithuania and Nazi Germany, particularly over the Klaipėda Region, which Germany annexed in 1939, weakening Lithuania's economy and political standing.

Socially, Smetona's authoritarianism had a dual impact. Although the regime stifled political pluralism, it promoted national identity, culture, and education. The interwar period saw the establishment of Lithuanian-language institutions and the expansion of primary and secondary education. The arts, literature, and theater flourished, contributing to a sense of cultural pride. Urban demographics shifted as ethnic Lithuanians began to constitute the majority in cities that had traditionally been dominated by Jews, Poles, and Germans—an outcome of both emigration and growing nationalist policies. 

However, tensions with Germany escalated, especially after the annexation of Klaipėda, which caused economic instability. This period also saw increasing pressure from Poland, resulting in the 1938 Polish ultimatum, which forced Lithuania to normalize diplomatic relations under the threat of military action. Lithuania accepted the ultimatum but remained in a precarious geopolitical position. By 1939, the Nazi-Soviet Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact placed Lithuania under Soviet influence, effectively sealing the fate of its independence.

Though Smetona’s regime managed to prevent extreme political movements from gaining traction, the dictatorship failed to prepare Lithuania for the geopolitical turmoil that followed. The authoritarian governance that limited civil liberties and political dissent ultimately left the country vulnerable to external pressures. In 1940, with Soviet forces poised to occupy Lithuania, Smetona fled the country, marking the end of the interwar period and ushering in an era of foreign domination.

During World War II, Lithuania experienced two brutal occupations—first by the Soviet Union and later by Nazi Germany—before being re-occupied by the Soviets. 

The initial Soviet occupation began in 1940 after the secret Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact divided Eastern Europe into German and Soviet spheres of influence. As part of this agreement, the Soviets annexed Lithuania, installing a puppet government and undertaking mass Sovietization efforts. The annexation resulted in the rapid nationalization of industry, property seizures, and oppressive crackdowns on political, religious, and cultural institutions. Thousands of Lithuanians—mainly political figures, military officers, and intellectuals—were deported to Siberian gulags, with many dying in harsh conditions during the deportation campaigns.

In June 1941, Nazi Germany launched Operation Barbarossa and swiftly took control of Lithuania. Initially, many Lithuanians viewed the German forces as liberators, hoping for restored autonomy following the Soviet repression. However, German authorities quickly dissolved the Lithuanian Provisional Government formed during the June Uprising, establishing the Reichskommissariat Ostland instead. The Nazis employed Lithuanian collaborators for military operations and forced labor, leading to widespread disillusionment. 

By 1944, the Soviet Red Army recaptured Lithuania, beginning the second Soviet occupation. The annexation was formalized, with Vilnius re-established as the capital of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic. Both Nazi and Soviet occupations devastated Lithuania's population and infrastructure, resulting in severe physical losses and further deportations to Siberia during the post-war Soviet regime. Despite resistance movements, including the formation of partisan units, Lithuania would remain under Soviet control until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990.

During the Soviet period in Lithuania (1944–1990), significant political, social, and economic changes occurred under the heavy hand of Soviet control. Following the Red Army’s re-occupation of Lithuania in 1944, the republic was integrated into the Soviet Union as the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic. Soviet authorities moved quickly to consolidate power, suppressing opposition and deporting intellectuals, clergy, and political figures to Siberian labor camps. Collectivization devastated agriculture, while large industries were prioritized to align Lithuania's economy with Soviet economic goals. The forced nationalization of property and rural economic neglect led to declining living standards, compounded by poorly constructed postwar housing.

The Soviets also pursued demographic manipulation to integrate Lithuania more tightly into the USSR. However, unlike Estonia and Latvia, where mass migration from other Soviet republics drastically altered demographics, Lithuania experienced more limited Russian immigration. This was partly due to Lithuania's relative isolation and retention of its cultural identity. Ethnic Russians who settled in Lithuania before Soviet annexation were better integrated than those arriving later, helping mitigate some tensions. Nevertheless, the state favored Russian immigrants for housing and key administrative roles. Despite these pressures, Lithuania retained a stronger sense of national identity compared to other Baltic states, in part due to cultural revitalization efforts in Vilnius and the survival of Lithuanian-language education.

Economically, the Soviet government made heavy investments in energy infrastructure and manufacturing industries to integrate Lithuania into the Soviet system. Industrial development outpaced other sectors, including agriculture and housing, further disrupting the rural economy. Lithuania, however, benefited from these capital investments and performed relatively well compared to other Soviet republics. Despite this, urban development struggled with poor-quality construction, and many Lithuanians resented being economically subsumed into the Soviet sphere.

Culturally, the Soviet era saw a subtle national revival. While the regime repressed religious and political expression, Lithuanian language and literature flourished within certain constraints. Vilnius University became a hub for Baltic studies, and national identity was reinforced through education, art, and scholarship. This delicate balance between Soviet control and cultural preservation played a crucial role in sustaining Lithuanian identity during decades of occupation.

The Lithuanian partisan movement, active from 1944 to 1953, was a protracted guerrilla resistance effort against Soviet occupation. Known as the "Forest Brothers," the partisans, comprising thousands of former soldiers, farmers, students, and intellectuals, sought to restore Lithuania's independence. These fighters took refuge in forests and rural areas, forming organized resistance units to combat the Soviet regime.

Initially, the resistance formed spontaneously, fueled by opposition to forced Soviet conscription, deportations, and Stalinist repression. The partisans later centralized their efforts with the creation of the Union of Lithuanian Freedom Fighters in 1948, emphasizing national liberation and democracy. Fighters relied on ambushes, sabotage, and underground publications to disrupt Soviet rule. Notable leaders included Adolfas Ramanauskas-Vanagas, Jonas Žemaitis-Vytautas, and Juozas Lukša-Daumantas, many of whom were executed or killed in combat.

Despite their efforts, the partisans faced overwhelming Soviet force. Soviet authorities deployed NKVD units and destruction battalions to hunt down partisans, often using infiltration, torture, and mass deportations to Siberia. By 1953, the resistance was largely eradicated, although some isolated fighters held out into the 1960s.

The partisan movement remains a critical part of Lithuania’s national memory, commemorated through memorials, museums, and annual events such as Partisan’s Day. Their legacy symbolizes the Lithuanian struggle for freedom and resistance to foreign oppression during the Soviet era.

The Soviet deportations from Lithuania, carried out between 1941 and 1952, were part of a broader strategy of population displacement in the Soviet Union, aimed at suppressing resistance and integrating occupied territories. These mass deportations primarily targeted anti-Soviet elements, including political activists, partisans, clergy, and wealthier citizens—labeled as "kulaks"—as well as their families. It is estimated that 130,000 Lithuanians were deported, with about 70% being women and children. These deportees were transported to remote parts of the Soviet Union, particularly Siberia and the Irkutsk region, to work in forced labor camps under harsh conditions. The deportations also included Polish families living in Lithuania, further destabilizing the social fabric.

The deportation process was brutal and secretive. Soviet authorities typically carried out operations at night, forcibly removing individuals from their homes, separating families, and packing them into overcrowded cattle trains. The journey to Siberia or other exile locations could take weeks, often leading to deaths from starvation, cold, and disease. Upon arrival, deportees faced extreme poverty, harsh labor conditions, and inadequate housing, with many working in timber industries or collective farms. Around 28,000 deportees are believed to have died due to these harsh conditions.

Two of the largest operations were Operation Spring (1948) and Operation Priboi (1949). The goal of these mass deportations was not only to stifle resistance but also to enforce the Soviet policy of collectivization. Many deportees were linked to the partisan movement, while others were targeted to weaken Lithuanian resistance to Soviet agricultural reforms. These operations were also part of a larger Soviet plan to restructure the demographics and ensure loyalty within the Baltic republics.

The deportations created long-lasting scars. Even after Stalin's death in 1953, the release of deportees was slow, with some not returning to Lithuania until the early 1960s. Those who did return found their property confiscated and faced discrimination, limiting their reintegration into society.

The experience of deportations became central to Lithuania’s memory of Soviet oppression. Today, Lithuania observes Mourning and Hope Day on June 14 to commemorate the victims. Monuments and museums, such as the Museum of Occupations and Freedom Fights in Vilnius, serve as reminders of this dark chapter.

The 1972 unrest in Kaunas, Lithuania—often referred to as Kaunas' Spring—was a critical act of resistance against Soviet rule. This uprising took place on May 18–19, 1972, sparked by the self-immolation of Romas Kalanta, a 19-year-old student, in protest against the Soviet regime. His act of protest and subsequent death triggered large-scale demonstrations, primarily composed of students and young workers.

On May 14, 1972, Kalanta set himself on fire near the Kaunas Musical Theatre, where Lithuania’s Sovietization had been declared in 1940. He left a note blaming the Soviet regime for his death. The authorities, concerned about the potential for unrest, moved his funeral forward by two hours on May 18 to prevent large gatherings. However, this only fueled public outrage, leading to spontaneous demonstrations that were brutally suppressed by KGB, militsiya (Soviet police), and Internal Troops.

During the protests, thousands of demonstrators filled the streets of Kaunas, particularly Laisvės Alėja (Freedom Avenue). Protesters clashed with Soviet forces, resulting in injuries on both sides, with five militsiya officers injured and one motorcycle set on fire. The following day, approximately 3,000 people marched again, leading to mass arrests—402 individuals were detained. Many protesters were under 20 years old, and some belonged to the Communist Party’s youth branch.

To obscure the political nature of the protests, Soviet authorities charged the demonstrators with hooliganism. Of those arrested, 50 individuals faced civil charges, and ten faced criminal persecution, with eight receiving prison sentences of one to two years. Protests spread to other cities in Lithuania, with 108 people arrested in total.

The 1972 unrest in Kaunas triggered further acts of resistance across Lithuania. In the following months, thirteen additional self-immolations occurred in various towns. These included Juozapas Baracevičius in Šiauliai and V. Stonys in Varėna.

In response to these events, Soviet authorities tightened censorship and increased surveillance over youth movements and gatherings, blaming the unrest on what they called the "hippie movement." Anti-Soviet sentiment intensified throughout 1972–73, with the KGB recording a sharp rise in anti-Soviet activities.

The events also resonated internationally, with members of the Lithuanian diaspora in the United States organizing protests in solidarity. Lithuanian writer Vytautas Alantas dedicated a book to these events, titled Romas Kalanta: The Living Torches in the Nemunas Valley.

After decades of Soviet rule, public resistance in Lithuania remained rare but began gaining momentum in the 1970s and 1980s. Acts of cultural defiance—such as musicians using nationalist poetry in songs—and symbolic protests like the Kaunas unrest in 1972 reflected the growing dissatisfaction with Soviet control. By the late 1980s, resistance intensified, laying the groundwork for Lithuania’s eventual path to independence.

Rise of Sąjūdis and National Awakening

In 1987, environmental and nationalist groups began forming, with new organizations promoting political and social awareness. A pivotal moment came with the founding of Sąjūdis on June 3, 1988, a political and social movement that initially aligned with the regime but soon shifted to opposing Soviet control. Public discontent grew, and protests against the Communist regime intensified, culminating in large-scale demonstrations, such as the violent protest on October 28, 1988. Public outrage led to resignations in the Communist Party of Lithuania (CPL) and more moderate leadership.

In late 1988, the CPL took several conciliatory actions to regain public support, such as restoring Vilnius Cathedral to the Catholic Church, legalizing the national anthem and flag, and recognizing Lithuanian as the state language. These reforms marked a critical step in Lithuania's reassertion of cultural identity and national sovereignty.

Collapse of Soviet Control and the Declaration of Independence

By 1989, organizations like the Writers Union began splitting from Soviet counterparts, and Sąjūdis-backed candidates won most seats in the Congress of People’s Deputies elections, weakening the Communist Party’s grip on power. Facing growing opposition, the CPL agreed to free elections for the Lithuanian SSR's Supreme Soviet in 1990, which it lost to Sąjūdis-supported candidates.

On March 11, 1990, Lithuania became the first Soviet republic to declare independence, triggering a cautious international response. The USSR opposed the move, with most countries withholding formal recognition until August 1991, following the failed August coup in Moscow.

Bloody Sunday and the Final Struggle for Freedom

The Soviet military responded harshly to Lithuania’s push for independence. On January 13, 1991, Soviet forces attacked protesters at the Vilnius Television Tower, resulting in 14 deaths and hundreds of injuries. Lithuanians refer to this tragedy as “Bloody Sunday.” The non-violent resistance displayed by protesters, who faced Soviet tanks while singing and linking arms, gained international attention and strengthened Lithuania’s position.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union later in 1991, Lithuania’s independence was fully recognized by the international community. The courage and persistence of the Lithuanian people became a defining symbol of the Baltic struggle for sovereignty.

In early 1990, candidates supported by the Sąjūdis movement secured victory in Lithuania's parliamentary elections. On March 11, 1990, the Supreme Soviet of the Lithuanian SSR proclaimed the Act of the Re-Establishment of the State of Lithuania, making Lithuania the first Soviet republic to declare independence. Vytautas Landsbergis, a leader of Sąjūdis, became the head of state, and Kazimira Prunskienė led the Cabinet of Ministers. The newly-formed government passed provisional laws to establish the legal framework of the state.

Soviet Sanctions and Resistance

The Soviet Union immediately opposed Lithuania’s declaration of independence. On March 15, 1990, Moscow demanded the revocation of independence, and by April 18, it imposed an economic blockade on Lithuania, lasting until the end of June. During this period, the Soviets used military force to take over several public buildings, though widespread violence was initially avoided.

However, tensions escalated during the January 1991 Events, when the Soviets attempted to overthrow Lithuania’s elected government. On January 13, 1991, Soviet forces attacked the Vilnius TV Tower, killing 14 unarmed civilians and injuring 140 others. The Lithuanian Parliament managed to stay in contact with the outside world using amateur radio operators, who relayed real-time updates during the Soviet assault. The National Salvation Committee, a Soviet-backed entity, failed to overthrow the government, allowing Lithuanian officials to continue governing.

Referendum and International Recognition

On February 9, 1991, Lithuania held a national referendum where over 90% of participants voted in favor of independence. Amid the August 1991 coup attempt in the Soviet Union, Soviet troops seized government facilities in Lithuania but withdrew following the coup’s collapse. After this failure, Lithuania’s government banned the Communist Party and confiscated its property.

On September 6, 1991, the international community formally recognized Lithuania's independence, and the country was admitted to the United Nations on September 17, 1991. This marked the culmination of Lithuania’s peaceful and determined struggle for sovereignty, solidifying its place as an independent, democratic state.

After gaining independence in 1991, Lithuania experienced significant economic, political, and social transformations as it transitioned from a centrally planned Soviet economy to a free market system.

Economic Transformation

Lithuania initiated a privatization campaign to shift public ownership to private hands. Investment vouchers were distributed, allowing citizens to acquire stakes in privatized enterprises. The government aimed to avoid creating a class of oligarchs, as had happened in Russia, by focusing on small and medium enterprises initially, followed by the sale of larger companies such as telecommunications firms and airlines to foreign investors.

A temporary currency, the Lithuanian talonas, was introduced due to high inflation and delays in establishing a stable monetary system. In 1993, Lithuania reintroduced the litas (the currency used during the interwar period), which was pegged to the U.S. dollar in 1994 and later to the euro in 2002. Lithuania would officially adopt the euro in 2015, marking its deeper integration into European economic structures.

Political Developments

The early enthusiasm for the Sąjūdis independence movement waned as the country struggled with unemployment and inflation. In the 1992 elections, the Democratic Labour Party of Lithuania (LDDP), the rebranded Communist Party, won the majority, signaling a shift in public sentiment. However, by 1996, the electorate swung back to the right, voting in the Homeland Union, led by former Sąjūdis leader Vytautas Landsbergis.

The withdrawal of Russian military forces was a critical priority, completed by August 31, 1993. Lithuania also re-established military forces, including the Lithuanian Land Force, Air Force, and Navy, along with paramilitary organizations like the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union and the Young Riflemen.

Social and Cultural Changes

The post-Soviet period saw the revival of cultural traditions and social organizations suppressed during Soviet rule. Vilnius, the capital, became a hub of national revival, with Lithuanian as the official state language. The privatization of residential real estate and commercial properties enabled citizens to regain control of economic resources, fostering homeownership and entrepreneurship.

Despite economic hardships during the transition, Lithuania avoided massive wealth inequality. By the early 2000s, Lithuania began benefiting from European integration, joining the European Union (EU) and NATO in 2004, which stabilized the political environment and enhanced economic development.

Lithuania officially joined NATO on March 29, 2004, marking a key milestone in its post-Soviet foreign policy and defense strategy. The process of joining NATO was motivated by Lithuania’s desire to strengthen its security, especially given historical tensions with Russia, and to solidify its place in the Western political and defense structures.

EU member states in 2004  New EU member states admitted in 2004. © Júlio Reis

The road to NATO membership began soon after Lithuania regained independence in 1991. Lithuania worked towards meeting the requirements for NATO by restructuring its military, modernizing defense infrastructure, and increasing civilian oversight of military operations. Additionally, Lithuania actively participated in NATO's Partnership for Peace program in the 1990s, cooperating with NATO forces on training and regional security exercises.

Lithuania’s inclusion in NATO was part of a broader expansion that included six other former Soviet-aligned countries, reinforcing security in the Baltic region. This accession came amid Russia's objections to NATO’s eastward expansion, reflecting ongoing geopolitical tensions. However, NATO membership provided Lithuania with significant military protection under the alliance’s collective defense clause (Article 5), reassuring its sovereignty and security.

After joining, Lithuania increased its defense spending and contributed to NATO missions, including operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, further aligning with the alliance’s collective goals. NATO membership also enhanced Lithuania's role in regional security cooperation within the Baltic Sea region.

Following Lithuania’s accession to the European Union in 2004, the country experienced rapid economic growth. However, this momentum was abruptly halted by the global financial crisis, leading to a sharp 15% contraction in GDP in 2009.

In the 2020s, Lithuania has prioritized strengthening its relations with Western allies while adopting a more assertive stance toward Russia and China. The Lithuanian government has deepened ties with Taiwan, notably allowing the establishment of a Taiwanese Representative Office in Vilnius in 2021. This move sparked significant backlash from China, leading to diplomatic tensions and economic retaliation, including trade restrictions.

Lithuania has also been vocal in criticizing Belarus and Russia, particularly in response to regional security concerns. It has condemned human rights abuses in Belarus and opposed Russian aggression, aligning closely with NATO and the European Union on security policies. Lithuania’s leadership has actively supported Ukraine during Russia's 2022 invasion, providing aid and calling for tougher sanctions against Russia and Belarus to counter their influence in the region. These efforts reflect Lithuania's strategic commitment to European security and democratic values in the face of authoritarian pressures.