Humans have lived in Kazakhstan since the Lower Paleolithic,^[1] with its climate and vast steppe making it ideal for nomadic pastoralism, a lifestyle that shaped the region's history. During the Bronze Age, cultures like the Srubna, Afanasevo, and Andronovo extended into the area, bringing advancements in metallurgy and settlement patterns. Between 500 BCE and 500 CE, Kazakhstan was home to the Saka and Huns, early nomadic warrior societies that dominated the steppe. These cultures laid the foundation for the region's enduring traditions of mobility, horsemanship, and resilience, which continued to define Kazakhstan’s identity through later periods of migration and conquest.

Central Asia during the Iron Age when it was populated by Iranic peoples, including modern Kazakhstan. © AQUILIBRION

At the beginning of the first millennium, the steppes of Kazakhstan were inhabited by various Indo-European and Uralic-speaking nomadic peoples such as the Sakas, Alans, and Massagetae. These groups often formed loose states like Yancai and Kangju, while their identities and relationships remained fluid over time. The arrival of the Huns in the region caused significant upheaval, as earlier populations either migrated westward into Europe or were absorbed into the Hun Empire. This period was marked by transitions and obscured by folk legends and oral traditions, leaving many historical details speculative.

In the mid-2nd century, the Yueban, an offshoot of the Xiongnu, established a presence in eastern Kazakhstan, followed by the migration of groups such as the Avars, Sabirs, and Bulgars through the steppes. The Göktürks, a Turkic confederation, rose to prominence in the 6th century after overthrowing the Rouran Khaganate. Under Bumin Qaghan and his descendants, the Göktürks established the First Turkic Khaganate, the first major Turkic empire stretching from Manchuria to the Black Sea. This transcontinental power facilitated control of the Silk Road, fostering economic ties and alliances with empires such as the Sassanids and Byzantines. However, internal conflicts led to the khaganate’s division into Eastern and Western Turkic Khaganates, with both ultimately falling to the Tang dynasty in the 7th century.

In the late 7th century, Turkic political power was revived under the Second Turkic Khaganate, uniting Turkic tribes once again in opposition to Tang dominance. Meanwhile, the Oghuz Turks, displaced by conflicts in Zhetysu, founded the Oghuz Yabgu State, which occupied much of present-day Kazakhstan. This period solidified Kazakhstan’s role as a central hub of nomadic Turkic states, shaping its cultural and historical identity as a crossroads of steppe civilizations.

In the eighth and ninth centuries, southern Kazakhstan came under Arab control, marking the introduction of Islam to the region. The Arab conquests brought not only a new religion but also cultural and economic influences, particularly in trade and scholarship, which began to reshape life in the steppe. Over time, Islam spread gradually among the nomadic Turkic tribes, blending with their existing traditions.

From the ninth to the 11th centuries, western Kazakhstan was dominated by the Oghuz Turks, a powerful confederation that influenced trade and politics across Central Asia. Simultaneously, the eastern regions were controlled by Turkic tribes such as the Kipchaks and Kimaks. These tribes established their dominance over the steppe, fostering a pastoral-nomadic economy and maintaining control over key trade routes that connected the Silk Road to neighboring regions.

Cumania (Desht-i Qipchaq). early 13th c. © Cumanian

By the 12th century, the Cumans extended their influence across western Kazakhstan until the early 13th century, when Mongol incursions disrupted the region's power dynamics. The vast steppe lands that had been controlled by the Kipchaks and Cumans became known as Dashti-Kipchak, or the Kipchak Steppe.^[1] This designation highlighted the region's significance as the heartland of Turkic nomadic culture and a critical bridge between Europe and Asia.

In the ninth century, the Qarluq confederation established the Qarakhanid state, a significant Turkic power that extended its control into Transoxiana, the fertile region north and east of the Oxus River (modern Amu Darya). The Qarakhanids embraced Islam, which played a key role in shaping their culture and governance. This period marked an important stage in the Islamicization of Central Asia, further integrating the region into the broader Islamic world.

By the early 11th century, the Qarakhanids faced internal strife as rival factions fought for dominance, weakening their hold. At the same time, they were in near-constant conflict with the Seljuk Turks to the south, a rising power in the Islamic world. These conflicts drained the Qarakhanid state and set the stage for external threats.

In the 1130s, the Qarakhanids were conquered by the Kara-Khitan, a nomadic people who had moved westward from northern China. Though the Kara-Khitan ruled much of the region, their authority began to weaken by the mid-12th century. An independent state of Khwarazm emerged along the Oxus River, breaking away from Kara-Khitan control. While Khwarazm flourished, the Kara-Khitan retained power over much of Central Asia until the Mongol invasion led by Genghis Khan between 1219 and 1221, which decisively ended their dominance and reshaped the political landscape of the region.

The Mongol conquest of Central Asia began in the early 13th century as Genghis Khan unified the Mongol and Turkic tribes, setting the stage for their expansion. Initially, Genghis dispatched his forces to eliminate rival groups like the Merkit and Naimans, who had fled westward after opposing him. By 1209, his son Jochi led Mongol forces to destroy the remaining Merkit forces near the Irtysh River. Survivors of this conflict moved toward Qara Khitai, where Kuchlug, a Naiman leader, seized power, prompting the Mongols to pursue and eliminate him in 1218. In parallel, the Uyghurs and Karluks of Xinjiang submitted voluntarily to Mongol rule, providing military and administrative support, thereby avoiding destruction.

The Mongol campaigns escalated with the conquest of Qara Khitai, completed by Jebe’s forces after defeating Kuchlug’s army. Genghis Khan then turned his focus to the Khwarezmian Empire following the massacre of his trade envoys by a Khwarezm governor. Using this incident as a pretext, the Mongols invaded Khwarezmia in 1219, unleashing widespread devastation. Cities such as Otrar, Bukhara, and Samarkand were obliterated, with the Mongols leaving behind a legacy of destruction and terror.

By 1236, the Mongols under Batu Khan, son of Jochi, expanded further into the Kipchak steppe, defeating the Cuman-Kipchak alliance and incorporating their lands into the Golden Horde. This westward expansion marked the Mongol Empire’s dominance over Central Asia, consolidating power over key trade routes and diverse nomadic populations. The campaigns brought destruction to resisting states but also facilitated cultural exchanges and administrative integration, transforming the region under Mongol rule.

Following the fragmentation of the Mongol Empire in the late 13th century, Kazakhstan fell under the control of the Golden Horde, the western division of the empire. This Mongol khanate ruled the vast steppe lands for over two centuries, maintaining dominance over trade routes and nomadic tribes. The Golden Horde's influence shaped the region's political and cultural landscape during this period.

A significant development occurred during the reign of Uzbeg Khan (1312–1341), when Islam was adopted as the state religion. This marked a pivotal moment in the region's history, as the spread of Islam among the nomadic tribes laid the foundation for its long-term cultural and religious identity. The adoption of Islam further integrated the steppe peoples into the broader Islamic world, influencing governance, trade, and societal norms.

Between the 13th and 15th centuries, the Kazakh ethnicity began to take shape.^[2] Modern genetic studies suggest that the formation of the Kazakh people was influenced by the blending of Mongol, Turkic, and earlier nomadic populations in the steppe region. This period of ethno-cultural consolidation laid the groundwork for the emergence of the Kazakh identity, which would later coalesce with the formation of the Kazakh Khanate in the 15th century.

The Kazakh Khanate emerged in the mid-15th century amid the fragmentation of the Golden Horde and the decline of the Uzbek Khanate. In 1459, Janibek Khan and Kerei Khan, descendants of Urus Khan, led a migration of Kazakh tribes dissatisfied with Abu’l-Khayr Khan’s corrupt and unstable rule. Fleeing the Uzbek Khanate, they settled in Moghulistan with the support of the local khan. This migration marked the beginning of the Kazakh Khanate, a state that would serve as a buffer between Moghulistan and its rivals. Under Janibek's leadership, the Kazakhs launched campaigns against Abu’l-Khayr, culminating in his death in 1468, and solidified their independence.

The Kazakh Khanate expanded significantly during the reign of Kasym Khan (1511–1523), son of Janibek. Kasym defeated the Nogai Horde and brought most of the Dasht-i-Kipchak under his control, pushing the Nogais westward. Under his rule, the population of the khanate grew to approximately one million, and its influence extended across Central Asia. Kasym Khan established the first Kazakh code of laws, "Qasym Khan's Bright Road," which strengthened the khanate’s internal governance. The Kazakh Khanate also gained recognition as a major political force, with Russia becoming the first foreign power to establish diplomatic relations.

Kasym Khan’s leadership ushered in a period of cultural and religious flourishing. Islam grew in prominence as a political and social force within Kazakh society, and alliances were forged with neighboring powers like the Timurids. Persian and Mughal historians praised Kasym Khan’s rule, describing him as one of the most powerful khans since the era of Jochi. The Kazakh Khanate, strengthened by its military victories, legal reforms, and cultural advancements, secured its place as a formidable successor state to the Golden Horde in the Central Asian steppe.

The First Kazakh Civil War (1522–1538) marked a period of internal conflict in the Kazakh Khanate following the death of Qasim Khan, whose authority had united the Kazakh tribes into a regional superpower. With his passing, the khanate fractured as rival descendants of Janibek Khan competed for control of the throne. The war weakened the unity of the khanate and made it vulnerable to external threats from neighboring powers.

Qasim Khan’s successor, Muhammed Khan, proved incapable of holding the state together, losing the Torgay region to the Nogai Horde. Under Tahir Khan’s leadership, the situation deteriorated further as the Oirats invaded the Kazakh Khanate. Tahir’s inability to suppress powerful sultans, such as Buydash Khan of Zhetysu and Ahmed Khan of Sighnaq, led to further fragmentation. Defeated by Moghulistan’s ruler Keldi-Muhammad, Tahir fled to Kyrgyzstan, where he died. Tughum Khan was then recognized as ruler, but his authority was challenged by Buydash Khan and Ahmed Khan, both of whom declared themselves khan. Amid the chaos, Qasim Khan's son, Sultan Haqnazar, emerged as a key player.

Ahmed Khan sought to expand his influence by attacking the Nogai Horde but was ultimately defeated, captured, and killed in 1535. Haqnazar seized Ahmed's territories and solidified his position by defeating Buydash Khan, who fled to Moghulistan. By 1538, following the death of Tughum Khan, Haqnazar emerged victorious, uniting the Kazakh Khanate under his rule and ending the civil war.

Despite Haqnazar's success in reestablishing internal unity, the prolonged conflict had devastating consequences. The Kazakh Khanate lost significant portions of its territory: Western Kazakhstan fell to the Nogai Horde, Eastern Kazakhstan to the Oirats, Northern lands to the Khanate of Sibir, Western Zhetysu to Moghulistan, and Tashkent to the Khanate of Bukhara. Under Haqnazar’s leadership, however, the Kazakhs began a slow process of reconsolidation, laying the groundwork for the restoration of their territorial integrity in the years to come.

Under Haqnazar Khan (also known as Haq-Nazar, Khaknazar, or Ak Nazar Khan), the Kazakh Khanate undertook significant efforts to reclaim its territories and confront external threats on multiple fronts. Following the fragmentation caused by the First Kazakh Civil War, Haqnazar emerged as a unifying leader who sought to restore the khanate’s former strength and territorial integrity.

Facing competition from the Nogai Horde in the west, Moghulistan in the east, the Khanate of Sibir in the north, and the Khanate of Bukhara in the south, Haqnazar focused on strategic campaigns to recover lost Kazakh lands. He began by reclaiming the northern regions of Sary-Arka and launched a successful campaign against the Nogai Horde, recapturing Saraishyk and surrounding areas. His forces also defeated the Khivans and secured control over the Mangyshlak Peninsula, while repelling incursions by the Oirats.

In the east, Haqnazar waged war against Moghulistan to incorporate Zhetysu into the Kazakh Khanate. The campaign ended in success, dealing a decisive blow to Moghulistan and solidifying Kazakh dominance over the region. However, the Kazakhs faced renewed pressure from Khan Kuchum of the Khanate of Sibir, who posed a growing threat in the north.

Haqnazar's victories extended as far as the Emba River, where, in 1568, the Kazakhs defeated the Nogai Horde and advanced to Astrakhan. However, their progress was halted by Russian forces, marking the first significant encounter between the expanding Kazakh Khanate and the Tsardom of Russia.

Through his military campaigns and strategic leadership, Haqnazar Khan restored much of the Kazakh Khanate’s territorial integrity and reinforced its position as a dominant power in the steppe. His efforts laid the foundation for future Kazakh leaders to continue consolidating the khanate's influence in the region.

Under Tauekel Khan, the Kazakh Khanate reached new heights of territorial expansion and influence. Tauekel sought to extend control southward into the prosperous cities of Tashkent, Fergana, Andijan, and Samarkand, key regions within the Khanate of Bukhara. These areas were not only vital trade hubs but also centers of political power in Central Asia.

In 1598, Tauekel led a bold campaign, bringing Kazakh forces to the gates of Bukhara itself. The Kazakhs laid siege to the city for 12 days, showcasing their growing military strength and ambition. However, the siege ultimately ended when the Bukharan leader Pir-Muhammad, supported by reinforcements led by his brother Baki-Muhammad, mounted a counteroffensive that pushed the Kazakhs back.

During the retreat to Tashkent, Tauekel Khan was seriously wounded in the fighting. His injuries proved fatal, and he died soon after. Despite the setback, Tauekel's campaigns demonstrated the Kazakh Khanate's capacity to challenge powerful regional rivals and expand its influence into the heart of Central Asia, laying the groundwork for future leaders to continue the struggle for dominance in the region.

After the death of Tauekel Khan, leadership of the Kazakh Khanate passed to Esim Sultan, the son of Sheehan Khan. Esim Khan, known as Ensegei boily er Esim—a title describing his impressive height and stature—oversaw the third great resurgence of the Kazakh Khanate, following the earlier successes of Kasym Khan and Khak-Nazar Khan. Determined to consolidate his power, Esim Khan moved the capital to Sygnak in the heart of Turkestan. From this strategic center, he stabilized the khanate, quelling internal revolts, most notably those of the Karakalpaks, who had challenged his rule.

The reign of Esim Khan was marked by a rare but crucial period of calm between the Kazakh Khanate and the Khanate of Bukhara. For fifteen years, the two rivals avoided direct confrontation, allowing Esim Khan to focus on strengthening his internal domain. However, in 1613, conflict reignited when Uzbek forces launched an attack on the Kazakh Khanate. Esim Khan led his army to victory, reclaiming the important city of Samarkand and further solidifying his authority across the region.

Esim Khan's ambitions extended beyond repelling external threats. He united the Kazakh army and directed his forces toward Tashkent, where Tursun Muhammad, the Tashkent Khan, had grown in power and posed a threat to Kazakh unity. In 1627, Esim Khan decisively defeated both Tursun Muhammad and his allies from the Khanate of Bukhara, abolishing the Tashkent Khanate entirely. This victory brought the conflict to an end and reaffirmed the dominance of the Kazakh Khanate in the region.

Beyond his military achievements, Esim Khan is remembered for codifying his own laws, known as Esım hannyñ eskı joly, or “The Old Path of Esim Khan.” These laws built upon the earlier legal traditions of the Kazakh steppe, providing a framework for governance and justice that reflected the needs of his people. Under Esim Khan’s leadership, the Kazakh Khanate emerged more unified and resilient, its foundations strengthened for future generations.

During the reign of Salqam-Jangir Khan, the Kazakh Khanate faced a formidable new rival from the east—the Dzungar Khanate. This emerging power, known for its military strength and ambition, posed a significant threat to the Kazakh lands, particularly the vital region of Jetisu.

The conflict escalated in the winter of 1643 when Erdeni Batur, the Dzungar leader, launched a major offensive. The Dzungars swiftly overran much of the Jetisu region, capturing thousands of Kazakhs and leaving devastation in their wake. In response, Salqam-Jangir Khan, with a force of only 600 to 800 warriors, marched to the Orbulak River, determined to halt the invaders. The ensuing Battle of Orbulak became a defining moment in Kazakh history.

Facing overwhelming odds, Jangir Khan devised a brilliant defensive strategy, using the narrow gorge of Orbulak to his advantage. As the battle raged, reinforcements arrived in the form of Jalangtos Bahadur, the powerful ruler of Samarkand and a member of the Kazakh Tortkara clan. Jalangtos brought with him an additional 15,000 to 20,000 troops, tipping the scales in favor of the Kazakhs. Together, they inflicted a decisive defeat on the Dzungar forces, forcing Erdeni Batur to retreat with heavy losses. It is said that Jangir Khan’s leadership and tactical brilliance during this battle demonstrated his exceptional military skill and earned him great respect.

Despite this victory, the Kazakhs' struggle against the Dzungars continued. Over the next decade, Salqam-Jangir Khan led his forces in multiple battles against the persistent Dzungar armies. However, in 1652, during a third major confrontation, the Kazakh forces suffered a crushing defeat, and Salqam-Jangir Khan was killed in battle. His death marked a turning point, as the Kazakh Khanate found itself increasingly pressured by the Dzungars, whose power would continue to loom over the steppe in the years to come.

The Battle of Orbulak, fought in 1643, stands as a pivotal episode in the Kazakh-Dzungar Wars, where the forces of Jahangir Sultan (later Salqam-Jangir Khan) faced off against the formidable Dzungar leader, Erdeni Batur. This battle, though overshadowed by later conflicts, became an early turning point in the Kazakhs’ resistance against Dzungar expansion into their lands.

At the heart of the conflict lay a deeply divided Kazakh Khanate. While the fragmented political structure hampered unity, the Dzungars, a militarized Mongol confederation, were pushing aggressively westward, targeting the Kazakh steppes and the affluent cities of Central Asia. By the winter of 1643, Erdeni Batur’s army—numbering tens of thousands—swept into Zhetysu with the intent of annexing the region. Jahangir Sultan, commanding a modest force of 600–800 men, took a bold stand near the Orbulak River in the Dzungarian Alatau. Aware of the overwhelming odds, Jahangir employed innovative tactics uncommon among nomadic armies, combining strategic terrain use, ambush positions, and newly acquired firearms. His troops dug defensive trenches—an unusual measure at the time—and fortified a gorge, setting the stage for a defensive battle.

As the Dzungar forces approached, they stumbled into the Kazakh ambush. Jahangir’s troops, armed with modern firearms from Persia, unleashed devastating volleys that inflicted heavy casualties on the larger Dzungar army, forcing them to retreat temporarily. At this critical juncture, the anticipated reinforcements from Samarkand, led by Zhalantos Bahadur and numbering 20,000 soldiers, arrived. The fresh Uzbek forces struck the Dzungars from the rear, catching them off guard and tipping the battle in favor of the Kazakhs. Outmaneuvered and outgunned, Erdeni Batur chose to withdraw, conceding the fight.

The Battle of Orbulak proved significant on several fronts. Tactically, Jahangir Sultan demonstrated the potential of trench warfare and the effectiveness of massed firearms—strategies previously unseen in Central Asian conflicts. It was also a rare and powerful display of unity among the Kazakh zhuzes and their Uzbek allies, signaling their capacity to unite in the face of external threats. Jahangir’s leadership and firsthand knowledge of Dzungar military organization, gained during his earlier captivity, played a decisive role in this success, earning him the title “Salqam” (Confidence-inducing).

In the aftermath, the Dzungar invasion was temporarily halted, and the Kazakhs regained control of Zhetysu, buying crucial time to prepare for the ongoing struggle. The victory at Orbulak remains a celebrated chapter in Kazakh history. Memorials, including a granite marker on Belzhailyau hill, commemorate the battle, and its significance was highlighted during the 550th anniversary of the Kazakh Khanate, when the battle was re-staged to honor this triumph of resilience and strategy.

After the death of Jangir Khan, Tauke Khan rose to power in 1672 during a tumultuous period for the Kazakh Khanate. The Kazakhs were still reeling from their earlier battles against the Dzungar Khanate, a formidable power in the east. Tauke Khan's reign marked an effort to rebuild Kazakh strength, yet it also saw intensified conflict as the Dzungars, under leaders like Galdan Boshugtu Khan and Tsewang Rabtan, continued their campaigns across the steppe.

The Dzungar invasions of the late 17th century were relentless. In 1680, the Dzungars overran Semirechye and South Kazakhstan, defeating Tauke Khan’s forces and capturing his son. By 1683–1684, key cities like Sayram, Tashkent, Shymkent, and Taraz fell into Dzungar hands. Despite these devastating losses, Tauke Khan rallied support from neighboring Kyrgyz tribes in the southeast, who also faced the Dzungar advance, and sought alliances with the Uyghurs of the Tarim Basin. In 1687, the Dzungars besieged Turkestan but were forced to retreat when Subhan Quli Khan’s reinforcements arrived, giving the Kazakhs a temporary reprieve.

However, with the rise of Tsewang Rabtan in 1697, the Dzungars renewed their efforts. Between 1709 and 1718, the Kazakh Khanate endured repeated invasions that decimated their lands and people. The Dzungars, armed with superior weaponry—rifles and artillery purchased from Russian gunsmiths and refined by the Swedish captive Johan Gustaf Renat—proved overwhelming. In contrast, most Kazakh warriors fought with traditional bows, sabers, and spears, leaving them at a distinct disadvantage. Entire regions, such as parts of Zhetysu and Central Kazakhstan, fell under Dzungar control. The loss of life was staggering—one-third of the Kazakh population perished during these conflicts, and the fragmentation of Kazakh unity only worsened the crisis.

In response to the escalating Dzungar threat, Tauke Khan sought to unite the fractured Kazakh clans. He convened the first Kurultai, a council of Kazakh leaders, in 1710 in the Karakum region. At this gathering, prominent warriors, biys (judges), and Chingizid descendants rallied to organize a unified Kazakh militia. The legendary commander Bogenbai led this force, inspiring a brief resurgence of resistance. In 1711, the combined Kazakh forces repelled the Dzungar attacks, pushing them eastward. Emboldened by this success, the Kazakhs launched a counterattack into Dzungaria in 1712, but the effort ended in failure.

The unity achieved at Karakum proved short-lived. Disagreements among the rulers of the three Jüzes (Senior, Middle, and Junior) weakened the Kazakh resolve. Taking advantage of these internal divisions, the Dzungars struck again in 1714 and 1718. The Battle of Ayaguz in 1718 epitomized the Kazakhs' struggles. Despite vastly outnumbering the Dzungar forces, a Kazakh army of 30,000 was routed by a small, disciplined Dzungar detachment. The Dzungars' tactical ingenuity, including defensive trench warfare and devastating mounted assaults, shattered the Kazakh forces and forced their retreat.

Tauke Khan's reign ended in 1718, marking both a legacy of resistance and a turning point for the Kazakh Khanate. Under his leadership, he sought alliances and attempted to unite the Kazakh clans, but the unrelenting Dzungar onslaught exposed the Khanate’s internal weaknesses. The death of Tauke Khan precipitated the splintering of the Khanate into the three Jüzes, each led by its own khan. Despite these challenges, Tauke Khan is remembered for his efforts to strengthen Kazakh laws, issuing the “Jetı Jarğy” or “Seven Charters,” which brought structure to the Kazakh legal system in a time of turmoil. His reign stands as a testament to the resilience of the Kazakh people in the face of overwhelming adversity.

The late 17th and early 18th centuries brought an immensely difficult foreign policy situation for the Kazakh Khanate. Surrounded by threats on all sides, the Kazakhs faced frequent raids from the Volga Kalmyks and Yaik Cossacks to the west, the Siberian Cossacks and Bashkirs from the north, and the Bukhara and Khiva forces from the south. However, the most formidable challenge came from the east—the Dzungar Khanate. By the early 1720s, the scale of Dzungar incursions into Kazakh lands had grown alarming, becoming an existential threat to the Khanate itself. To make matters worse, the powerful Qing dynasty in China watched the situation unfold, waiting for an opportune moment to deal with the Dzungars for their own purposes.

In 1722, the death of the Kangxi Emperor briefly halted hostilities between the Dzungar Khanate and Qing China. This truce allowed Tsewang Rabtan, the Dzungar leader, to shift his focus fully onto the Kazakh Khanate. What followed was one of the darkest periods in Kazakh history, known as the Years of the Great Disaster (1723–1727). The Dzungar invasions were relentless, causing mass suffering, destruction, and widespread displacement. Thousands of Kazakhs—men, women, and children—were killed or taken captive, entire regions were depopulated, and centuries-old ways of life were upended. The Kazakhs, unprepared for such a sustained assault, found themselves scattered and fleeing. The clans of the Middle Juz retreated westward, with some crossing into the territory of the Central Asian khanates. Many from the Senior Juz fled to the Syr Darya River and beyond, while the Younger Juz sought refuge along the Yaik, Ory, and Yrgyz rivers, pushing closer to the borders of Russia. Some families from the Middle Juz even settled near the Russian-administered Tobolsk Governorate.

The devastation wrought by the Dzungar offensives rivaled the Mongol invasions of the 13th century in scale and consequence. The forced migration of Kazakh families into new territories strained already fragile relations in Central Asia. Neighboring Karakalpaks, Uzbeks, and even the weakened Kazakhs themselves preyed upon their displaced kin, worsening the humanitarian crisis. The influx of Kazakh refugees into the Volga region alarmed the Kalmyk Khanate, which saw its lands and resources increasingly threatened. So significant was the migration that Kalmyk leaders appealed to the Russian tsar for military support to protect their summer grazing lands along the left bank of the Volga River. The crisis ultimately forced the establishment of the Zhaiyk (Ural) River as a boundary between Kazakh and Kalmyk lands.

The Kazakh Khanate, already politically fragmented, was plunged further into turmoil. The massive loss of livestock—central to their nomadic economy—triggered a severe economic collapse. This economic devastation only intensified the political disputes among Kazakh sultans and khans, undermining any hope for unified resistance against the Dzungars. While the Dzungar–Qing conflict flared up again in 1715, lasting until 1723, Tsewang Rabtan remained committed to his campaigns against the Kazakhs, exacerbating their plight and leaving the Kazakh Khanate on the brink of collapse.

The early 18th century marked a critical moment for the Kazakh Khanate as it faced an escalating threat from the Dzungar Khanate. Under the leadership of Tsewang Rabtan, the Dzungars launched a devastating campaign in 1723 that swept across South Kazakhstan and Semirechye. The Kazakh militia was overwhelmed, losing key cities such as Tashkent and Sairam. The territories of Khujand, Samarkand, and Andijan were now under Dzungar influence, their rulers relying on the Dzungars for protection. This offensive plunged the Kazakhs into chaos, marking the beginning of what they called the Years of the Great Disaster—a period of widespread displacement, suffering, and loss.

By 1726, the Kazakh clans, recognizing the dire need for unity, convened a crucial meeting near Turkestan at Ordabasy. The representatives of the three Kazakh jüzes—Younger, Middle, and Senior—resolved to form a unified militia to resist the Dzungar onslaught. Abilqaiyr Khan of the Younger Jüz was chosen to lead this united force, supported by prominent military leaders like Bogenbai Batyr. The Kazakhs secured a much-needed victory in the Battle of Bulantin, fought in the foothills of Ulytau. This battle, remembered for its symbolic significance, bolstered Kazakh morale and proved they could stand against the formidable Dzungars. The battlefield became known as "Kalma қırılғan"—a place where the Kalmaks (Dzungars) were defeated.

The Kazakhs' resurgence coincided with internal strife within the Dzungar Khanate. After Tsewang Rabtan's death in 1727, his sons, Lausan Shono and Galdan Tseren, clashed over succession, forcing the Dzungars to split their focus between internal conflict and external wars. This instability gave the Kazakhs a critical opportunity to press their advantage. The turning point came between December 1729 and January 1730, with the Battle of Añyraqai near Lake Alakol. Abilqaiyr Khan led a coalition of 30,000 Kazakh warriors from all three jüzes, supported by renowned batyrs like Bogenbai, Kabanbai, and Nauryzbai. Over an intense, month-long series of confrontations, the Kazakhs employed superior tactics and knowledge of the terrain to deliver a decisive blow to the Dzungar forces.

The victory at Añyraqai was a moment of triumph that marked the culmination of the long and grueling Kazakh-Dzungar Wars. It solidified Kazakh resistance and weakened the Dzungar Khanate's grip on the region. Yet, the unity achieved on the battlefield was short-lived. Rivalries among the Kazakh leaders soon resurfaced. Disagreements over leadership—particularly after the death of Bolat Khan—led to a split. While Abul Mambet Khan, Bolat's son, was chosen to lead, Abilqaiyr and Semek felt sidelined, fracturing the fragile Kazakh coalition.

The Battle of Añyraqai remains legendary in Kazakh history. It was not only a military victory but also a powerful symbol of the Kazakh people's resilience and unity in the face of a formidable enemy. Though internal divisions persisted, the battle ensured the survival of Kazakh lands and marked the beginning of the end for the Dzungar Khanate, which would later collapse due to internal strife and external pressures.

Despite the decisive victory at the Battle of Añyraqai in 1730, the Kazakhs remained on edge, fearing a renewed Dzungar invasion. This fear was not unfounded, as the Dzungar Khanate, led by Galdan Tseren, continued to pose a severe threat throughout the 1730s. While Abilqaiyr Khan of the Younger Juz sought to stabilize the western borders with the Kalmyks and Bashkirs, the eastern frontier remained vulnerable. The Kazakh khans, though temporarily united against the Dzungars, struggled to maintain cohesion, distracted by internal disputes and rivalries.

By the late 1730s, the Dzungars, having secured peace with the Qing Dynasty, turned their focus westward once more. In the autumn of 1739, a powerful Dzungar force of 30,000 soldiers launched a devastating campaign into the Kazakh lands. The Middle Juz, led by Abilmambet Khan, was caught off guard and unprepared for the invasion. The Dzungars struck quickly and efficiently, moving from the Irtysh River in the north to the Syr Darya River in the south, inflicting heavy losses on the Kazakh population and devastating their pastures. The political disarray among Kazakh leaders only worsened the situation. Internal rivalries persisted, and while Abilmambet attempted to organize resistance, the fragmented defense could not halt the Dzungar advance.

By early 1741, the Dzungars struck again, this time reaching the Ishim and Tobol rivers. In one notable encounter, a Kazakh detachment led by Abylai Khan was overwhelmed and captured. Abylai's capture was a significant blow, as he was one of the Kazakhs' most prominent leaders and military strategists. Nevertheless, the Kazakhs fought fiercely. Abilmambet Khan led a series of counterattacks, forcing the Dzungars to negotiate an armistice. A Kazakh delegation was sent to Dzungaria, securing peace terms and the release of Abylai Khan. However, the damage was done—Kazakh lands lay in ruins, and the population had suffered immensely.

The internal strife within the Dzungar Khanate after Galdan Tseren's death in 1745 brought further reprieve to the Kazakhs. A fierce power struggle erupted among the Dzungar leaders, weakening their ability to wage war. This civil war in Dzungaria coincided with the rise of the Qing Dynasty's ambitions in the region. Seizing the opportunity, the Qing launched a massive military campaign against the fractured Dzungars in 1755. The Qing armies overwhelmed their rivals, capturing key leaders like Dawachi and dismantling the Dzungar state. By 1758, the Dzungar Khanate had collapsed entirely, its population decimated by warfare, internal conflict, and Qing retribution.

For the Kazakhs, the fall of the Dzungar Khanate marked both a relief and a turning point. Decades of brutal conflict had left their society battered and fragmented. While they had fought valiantly against one of Central Asia's most formidable powers, the Kazakh Khanate emerged weakened, vulnerable to new pressures from neighboring states and the growing influence of the Russian Empire. Leaders like Abylai Khan sought to navigate this complex political landscape, consolidating power and forging alliances to ensure the survival of the Kazakh people in a rapidly changing world.

The Kazakh-Dzungar Wars remain a testament to the resilience and determination of the Kazakh people. Figures like Abilqaiyr Khan, Bogenbai, Kabanbai, and Abylai Khan emerged as symbols of heroism during this period, leading their people through years of hardship and warfare. Though the wars had exacted a heavy toll, they ultimately preserved Kazakh lands and identity, even as the Central Asian geopolitical order underwent profound transformations.

After the victory at Añyraqai in 1730, Ablai Khan emerged as one of the most influential figures in the Kazakh Khanate during a turbulent period. Born into the Middle Jüz, Ablai initially proved his leadership on the battlefield during the Kazakh-Dzungar Wars. His skills as a strategist and organizer earned him the admiration of his people, and his success in the wars cemented his reputation as a batyr—a heroic warrior. He became known not only for his military prowess but also for his diplomatic acumen, earning the honorific title Shah-i-Turan ("King of Turan"), a nod to his strength and vision for the Kazakh steppe.

Ablai Khan's leadership extended beyond warfare. He navigated a complex foreign policy, balancing the interests of two rising empires: Russian Empire to the north and the Qing Dynasty to the east. After swearing loyalty to the Russian Empire in 1740 at Orenburg, Ablai skillfully avoided falling under complete Russian control, choosing instead to maintain independence for the Kazakh tribes. He leveraged his relationship with China, who supported him over his rivals for leadership of the Middle Jüz. By playing these empires against each other, Ablai managed to consolidate power and extend his influence over the Senior and Junior jüzes, effectively uniting all Kazakhs under his rule.

Throughout his reign, Ablai Khan launched significant campaigns to secure and expand the Kazakh Khanate. He defeated the Kyrgyz in fierce battles, liberated cities in Southern Kazakhstan, and even captured Tashkent, strengthening his authority. Ablai also took advantage of the weakening Dzungar Khanate, capturing their herds and territories as they descended into internal conflict and faced pressure from the Qing. Despite Qing military dominance in the region, Ablai maintained a careful neutrality during the final collapse of the Dzungars, even sheltering leaders like Amursana and Dawachi when they fled from the Qing forces.

Ablai’s reign marked a brief resurgence of Kazakh unity and strength during a time of immense pressure from external forces. His refusal to submit fully to Russia, his promotion of Islam and the concept of jihad to unify the Kazakhs, and his focus on strengthening the khanate reflected his determination to protect Kazakh independence. Even when Russian authorities sought to confirm his title officially, Ablai resisted their overtures, aware of the delicate balance he had to maintain with the Qing as well.

Upon his death in 1781, Ablai was laid to rest in the Mausoleum of Khoja Ahmed Yasavi in Turkestan, a resting place befitting his legacy. However, his passing triggered a struggle for power among his sons, fracturing the unity he had worked so hard to achieve. Despite this, Ablai Khan's leadership remained a defining period in Kazakh history—an era of resistance, resilience, and skilled diplomacy that kept the Kazakh steppe from being completely subsumed by the surrounding powers.

The Kazakh Khanate first came into contact with the expanding Russian Empire in the late 16th century, as Cossack adventurers ventured into Siberia. Between 1582 and 1639, the Siberian Cossacks pushed eastward, establishing forts and trading posts as they moved deeper into the region. However, their primary focus remained the Siberian forests, which offered rich fur resources. The Kazakh steppe, occupied by strong and warlike nomadic tribes, initially posed a more challenging frontier for Russian expansion.

In the early 17th century, the Russians began building fortified settlements on the northwestern edges of Kazakh territory, including Yaitsk (modern Oral) and Guryev (modern Atyrau). These outposts marked the gradual Russian push toward Kazakh lands. The Kazakhs, caught between external pressures from the east by the Dzungar Khanate and from the north by Russian Cossacks, found themselves in a precarious position.

The early 18th century proved to be a turning point. Externally, the Kazakhs was weakened by decades of warfare with the Dzungar Khanate in the east, the expanding Russian Empire in the northwest, and threats from Kokand and Bukhara in the south. The once-powerful Khanate was weakened by fragmentation, with its three jüzes (Junior, Middle, and Senior) drifting apart under their respective khans. This turbulent period would ultimately lead to the gradual disintegration of the Kazakh Khanate.

Facing such dire circumstances, Abul Khayr Khan of the Junior Jüz sought assistance from the Russian Empire. In 1730, he swore loyalty to Empress Anna of Russia, hoping to secure military aid against the Dzungars and Kalmyks. While Abul Khayr viewed this alliance as temporary, Russia used it as an opportunity to assert control over the Junior Jüz. The Russians soon established garrisons and outposts within Kazakh lands, solidifying their influence.

During this time, the Middle Jüz also faced mounting difficulties. By the late 18th century, the Middle Jüz khans, weakened by internal divisions, struggled to resist Russian expansion. After the death of Abu’l-Mansur Khan in 1781, his son Vali became the nominal ruler of the Middle Jüz. However, Vali's influence was limited, and Russian authority continued to grow. In 1798, the Russians attempted to formalize their control by establishing a tribunal at Petropavlovsk to govern disputes among the Kazakhs, further undermining the traditional role of the khans. By 1824, the khanate of the Middle Jüz was formally abolished, and Russian administrators began implementing their own systems of governance.

The Senior Jüz remained independent slightly longer. However, by the early 1820s, it too faced external pressure—this time from the Kokand Khanate, which was expanding into southern Kazakhstan. Faced with the choice of Russian or Kokand domination, the leaders of the Senior Jüz reluctantly sought Russian protection, bringing the entire Kazakh steppe under Russian influence. Between 1822 and 1848, the Russian Empire systematically dismantled the

Despite their growing dominance, Russian policies sparked resistance among the Kazakhs. In the 1830s, leaders like Isatay Taymanuly and Makhambet Utemisuly led uprisings in the Junior Jüz against Russian colonial rule and its harsh economic policies. The most significant resistance, however, came under Kenesary Khan, the grandson of Ablai Khan.

The conquest of Kazakhstan by Russia in the 19th century was met with significant resistance as Kazakh leaders and warriors fought to protect their independence and traditional way of life. Throughout this period, a series of uprisings and wars slowed Russia's advance into the Kazakh steppe.^[3]

One of the prominent revolts occurred between 1836 and 1838 under the leadership of Isatay Taymanuly and Makhambet Utemisuly. This uprising began as a protest against excessive taxation and the oppressive policies of the Russian-backed khans. Isatay and Makhambet, both respected leaders and batyrs (warriors), united the Kazakh population of the Junior Jüz to challenge Russian dominance and demand justice. The movement, fueled by growing discontent, garnered widespread support but was ultimately suppressed by the Russian forces, and Isatay was killed in 1838.

Resistance continued throughout the mid-19th century, with another significant war led by Eset Kotibaruli from 1847 to 1858. Eset Kotibaruli, a leader of the Junior Jüz, waged a long and determined struggle against the encroaching Russian forces and their collaborators. His movement represented the deep-seated frustration among Kazakh nomads who were losing their grazing lands and autonomy to Russian settlers and administrators. Despite its persistence, Eset's resistance was eventually quelled, but it demonstrated the Kazakh people's resolve to defend their territory and sovereignty.

These uprisings, alongside other rebellions across the Kazakh steppe, revealed the fierce opposition to Russian colonization. While the Russian Empire continued to expand its control, the efforts of leaders like Isatay, Makhambet, and Eset became symbols of anti-colonial resistance and inspired later generations of Kazakhs in their quest for independence.

By the early 19th century, Russian control over Kazakh lands was tightening as the empire sought to fully integrate the steppe. After decades of external pressures and internal divisions, the Kazakh Khanate had fragmented into three jüzes—the Senior, Middle, and Junior Jüz. Each jüz faced its own struggles against the encroaching Russians, and by the 1820s, Russia began systematically dismantling the khanate.

Following the death of Abu’l-Mansur Khan in 1781, the Middle Jüz was nominally led by his son Vali Khan, but Vali never fully consolidated power over his territory. By 1798, Russia attempted direct governance by establishing a tribunal at Petropavlovsk to resolve disputes, though the Kazakhs largely ignored this new institution. The khanate was officially abolished in the Middle Jüz in 1824, as Russia began referring to the region as the "territory of the Siberian Kirgiz." New administrative reforms aimed at pushing the Kazakhs toward settled agriculture proved unsuccessful, as they remained committed to their nomadic way of life.

Despite the steady erosion of their independence, the Kazakhs did not accept Russian domination without resistance. In 1837, a major rebellion erupted, led by Kenesary Khan, the grandson of the great Ablai Khan. Kenesary sought to restore the independence and unity of the Kazakh Khanate, rallying Kazakh clans who were angered by Russian taxation policies, land seizures, and restrictions on nomadic movement. At an all-Kazakh kurultai in 1841, Kenesary was formally elected as the Khan of all Kazakh tribes, following traditional coronation ceremonies.

Russian conquest of Central Asia (1725-1914). © Nicolas Eynaud

Kenesary proved to be a brilliant and unpredictable military strategist, waging guerrilla warfare across the steppe. His forces captured several Kokand fortresses, including the symbolic city of Hazrat-e-Turkistan, and reclaimed Kazakh lands from Russian and Kokand control. However, Kenesary’s struggle was relentless and exhausting. In 1843, Tsar Nicholas I authorized an expedition to crush the uprising, dispatching Russian military detachments under commanders like Lebedev and Dunikovsky. Despite their superior numbers and weaponry, the Russians were repeatedly outmaneuvered. Kenesary employed a combination of swift cavalry strikes, ambushes, and tactical retreats to exhaust the Russian forces.

The conflict continued into 1844, as Russian forces attempted to encircle Kenesary's troops. Yet, Kenesary’s mobility and mastery of the terrain allowed him to escape encirclement and deliver surprise attacks. In July 1844, his forces decisively defeated a Russian detachment led by Sultan Zhantorin and Colonel Dunikovsky, dealing a significant blow to Russian efforts. Kenesary's troops also besieged and captured the Ekaterininsky fortress, a stunning achievement that further elevated his status among the Kazakhs.

Despite these victories, Kenesary's position began to weaken by 1846. Some of his wealthier supporters defected to the Russians, enticed by promises of land and riches. Feeling betrayed and increasingly isolated, Kenesary’s trust in his allies eroded, causing further divisions within his forces. By 1847, Kenesary led a campaign into Kyrgyz lands, hoping to consolidate his influence and secure new allies. However, this proved to be his undoing. The Kyrgyz khan Ormon Khan, acting in collaboration with the Russians, betrayed Kenesary. In a decisive encounter, Kenesary was captured and executed, his severed head sent to the Russians as proof of their victory.

The death of Kenesary Khan marked the final collapse of the Kazakh Khanate. Without a unifying leader, the Kazakh tribes fell fully under Russian domination. By the mid-19th century, the Russians abolished traditional Kazakh governance structures, banned the election of new khans, and introduced direct imperial administration. Fiscal authority was stripped from local Kazakh leaders and handed over to Russian officials, further entrenching colonial rule. Russian forts, settlements, and laws transformed the Kazakh steppe, forever altering the Kazakhs' way of life.

In the Bronze Age, between 1000–900 BCE, the first farmers and cattle-breeders established settlements in the territory of what is now Almaty. These early inhabitants laid the foundations of human activity in the region, marking the beginning of settled agricultural life.

By the 18th century, the area fell under the influence of the Khanate of Kokand, which controlled the surrounding territory and incorporated it into its sphere of power. The Kokand Khanate dominated much of southern Kazakhstan at this time, but its control over the steppe was frequently challenged due to resistance from local Kazakh tribes.

In the 1850s, as part of Russia’s expanding empire, the region was absorbed and brought under Russian control. To consolidate their dominance and secure the territory, the Russian Empire established a fort to serve both as a military outpost and administrative center.

On 4 February 1854, construction began on Fort Zailiyskoe between the Bolshaya and Malenkaya Almatinka rivers. By the autumn of the same year, the fort’s construction was largely completed. Initially built as a wooden palisade, the structure formed a pentagonal shape, with one of its sides aligned along the Malaya Almatinka River. By the end of 1854, the fort was renamed Fort Vernoe, which means "Loyal" in Russian.

Over time, the wooden palisade was replaced with a more durable brick wall, which included embrasures for defense. The central square of the fort became the hub for training and parading, serving both military and administrative purposes. The settlement around Fort Vernoe began to grow steadily, attracting settlers and traders to the region.

By 1867, the settlement’s population had increased enough for the area to be reorganized as a formal town. It was initially named Almatinsk, but before the end of the year, the name was changed to Verny, reflecting its Russian roots.

Thus, the region transitioned from early Bronze Age settlements to an area under the Khanate of Kokand, before becoming a critical part of the expanding Russian Empire with the establishment of Fort Vernoe in the 1850s. Over time, this fort became the nucleus of what would later develop into the modern city of Almaty.

In 1863, the Russian Empire formalized a new imperial policy articulated in the Gorchakov Circular, which justified the annexation of "troublesome" territories on its borders as a means of stabilizing its frontier regions.^[4] This policy marked a shift toward an aggressive expansionist approach in Central Asia, laying the groundwork for the conquest of the remaining independent areas.

Following the Circular's announcement, the empire rapidly advanced its conquests, bringing much of Central Asia under Russian control. By the late 1860s, two major administrative divisions were established to govern these newly acquired territories. The General-Governorate of Russian Turkestan administered the southern regions, including parts of modern-day southern Kazakhstan such as Almaty, then known as Verny. Meanwhile, the Steppe District encompassed most of present-day Kazakhstan, reflecting the geographical and cultural distinctions within the empire's new holdings.

This restructuring facilitated the integration of Central Asia into the administrative and military framework of the Russian Empire, further consolidating its influence in the region. The policy and its implementation profoundly altered the sociopolitical landscape of Kazakhstan and its neighbors, effectively ending centuries of independent rule on the steppe.

In the early 19th century, the construction of Russian forts began to disrupt the traditional Kazakh way of life. These forts, built to consolidate control over conquered territories, restricted the vast expanses that Kazakh nomadic tribes relied upon for grazing their herds. The encroachment of Russian settlers onto fertile Kazakh lands further intensified the crisis. By the 1890s, as waves of settlers began to arrive, the once-open steppe was shrinking, and the nomads found themselves increasingly forced into sedentary, impoverished lifestyles. The fertile lands of northern and eastern Kazakhstan, once vital for seasonal migration, were occupied, severely undermining the Kazakh pastoral economy.

The Russian Empire's policies accelerated this disruption. Land was allocated to Russian settlers, while Kazakh tribes faced mounting restrictions. It is estimated that between 5 and 15 percent of the population of the Kazakh Steppe consisted of immigrants, displacing indigenous Kazakhs and exacerbating economic hardship. By the early 20th century, this pressure on traditional grazing routes and resources became even more acute.^[5]

In 1906, the completion of the Trans-Aral Railway between Orenburg and Tashkent marked a turning point in Russian colonization. This railway facilitated the movement of settlers into the fertile Semirechie region. Between 1906 and 1912, as part of the reforms of Russian Interior Minister Petr Stolypin, more than half a million Russian farms were established on Kazakh lands. These settlements occupied vital grazing lands, disrupted the centuries-old patterns of nomadic seasonal movement, and monopolized scarce water resources. Kazakh herders were pushed further to the margins, while incidents of Russian settlers appropriating Kazakh livestock became increasingly common.

By the early 20th century, the Russian colonial expansion had dealt a devastating blow to the Kazakh economy and way of life. The erosion of the nomadic system, coupled with the influx of settlers, fundamentally altered the region's social and economic fabric.

By 1916, the Kazakh people, already displaced and impoverished by Russian colonial policies, found themselves caught in the turmoil of World War I. When Tsar Nicholas II ordered the conscription of Central Asians into labor battalions to support the Russian war effort against Germany, it triggered widespread outrage across the region. For the Kazakhs, who were already suffering from the loss of grazing lands and forced sedentarization, this decree was the final blow. Many Kazakhs rose up in armed resistance, joining the broader Central Asian Revolt.

The rebellion, which became part of the larger anti-colonial Basmachi movement, reflected the desperation and anger of the Kazakh population. Starving and displaced, they fought to resist not only the forced conscription but also the ongoing confiscation of their lands by Russian settlers. The revolt spread rapidly, and by late 1916, Russian forces responded with brutal suppression. Thousands of Kazakhs were killed in the violence, while thousands more fled the steppe, seeking refuge in China and Mongolia. The treacherous journey across mountains and deserts claimed many lives, with families perishing from hunger, exhaustion, and exposure.

The suppression of the 1916 revolt left deep scars on the Kazakh population. Despite these losses, resistance to Russian control did not fully subside. As the Russian Empire collapsed in 1917 and the Bolsheviks sought to consolidate power, many Kazakhs—alongside Russians in the region—opposed the Communist takeover. Armed resistance continued until 1920, as Kazakhs struggled against a new wave of upheaval and uncertainty.

The Alash Autonomy, also known as Alash Orda, emerged in the wake of the Russian Empire’s collapse during the turbulent years of 1917–1920. It marked a pivotal attempt by Kazakh leaders to establish a national democratic state and preserve Kazakh autonomy amid the chaos of the Russian Revolution and Civil War. The movement represented a culmination of decades of Russian colonialism, Russification policies, and growing Kazakh resistance.

By the late 19th century, access to education in the Kazakh Steppe had begun to expand. Schools opened in the 1870s and 1880s, creating a new generation of educated Kazakh elites. Among these were future leaders like Alikhan Bukeikhanov, who would later lead the Alash movement. These intellectuals, deeply aware of the social and economic challenges facing their people, envisioned a modernized Kazakh state within a reformed Russia. However, grievances mounted, particularly after the conscription of Muslims into military labor battalions for World War I’s Eastern Front. This policy triggered widespread unrest, culminating in a series of uprisings by Kazakh and Kyrgyz populations in 1916.

Following the February Revolution of 1917, the political landscape shifted rapidly. During the Second All-Kazakh Congress, held in Orenburg from December 5 to 13, 1917, the Alash Autonomy was officially proclaimed with Alikhan Bukeikhanov leading its provisional government, the Alash Orda. The Alash Autonomy sought to secure Kazakh lands, promote self-governance, and modernize society, while still aiming to function as an autonomous entity within Russia. The Alash Orda government, composed of 25 members, prioritized education reform, enacted legislative measures, and raised militia forces to defend their territory.

Amid the Russian Civil War, the Alash Orda aligned with the anti-Bolshevik White Army, viewing the Bolsheviks’ policies as a threat to Kazakh aspirations. However, as the tide of the war turned in favor of the Bolsheviks, the Alash leaders faced increasing pressure. By 1919, recognizing the imminent defeat of the White forces, the Alash government began negotiations with the Bolsheviks. In exchange for cooperation, some Alash leaders were offered roles in the emerging Soviet administration.

By 1920, the Bolsheviks had dismantled the Alash Autonomy, integrating its territory into Soviet Russia. On August 17, 1920, Lenin and Mikhail Kalinin established the Kirghiz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, a precursor to the Kazakh ASSR. This marked the end of the Alash movement’s brief but significant attempt to secure Kazakh self-determination. While short-lived, the Alash Autonomy left a lasting legacy as a symbol of Kazakh resistance and aspiration for national sovereignty, influencing future movements for independence in Kazakhstan.

The Kazakh famine of 1919–1922 was a devastating tragedy that unfolded in the Kirghiz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (modern Kazakhstan) and the Turkestan ASSR. A combination of severe drought, the chaos of the Russian Civil War, and harsh Soviet policies like prodrazvyorstka—forcible grain requisitioning—pushed the region to the brink. This catastrophe occurred as part of the broader Russian famine of 1921–1922, which claimed up to 10 million lives across the collapsing Russian Empire.^[6]

By 1919, nearly half of the population in Kazakhstan was facing starvation. The situation was exacerbated by outbreaks of typhus and malaria, further weakening communities already suffering from a lack of food. Provinces such as Aktyubinsk, Akmola, Kustanai, and Ural saw the highest death tolls, with mortality estimates ranging from 400,000 to as many as 750,000 people. Turar Ryskulov, a prominent Kazakh Soviet official, grimly noted that up to a third of the Kazakh population may have perished during this period.

Relief efforts began only after the famine reached catastrophic levels. The Soviet government, overwhelmed by crises across the young Soviet state, invited international organizations such as the Workers International Relief to assist. The American Relief Administration (ARA), led by Herbert Hoover, provided crucial aid to starving Kazakhs from 1920 to 1923. Although 1922 marked the end of the famine’s most severe phase, food shortages, illness, and starvation persisted well into 1923 and 1924, delaying the recovery of the devastated region.

The famine of 1919–1922 remains a harrowing chapter in Kazakh history, not only as a natural disaster compounded by political instability but also as a prelude to future tragedies that would again devastate the Kazakh people under Soviet rule.

The Kirghiz Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic (ASSR) was established on August 26, 1920, within the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR). At the time, Kazakhs were officially referred to as "Kirghiz" by both the Russian Empire and early Soviet authorities to distinguish them from the Russian Cossacks, a group whose name similarly derived from the Turkic term "free man." This naming convention persisted despite the clear ethnic distinction between Kazakhs and the Kyrgyz, who were then known as "Kara-Kirghiz."

In 1925, during the Fifth Kazakh Council of Soviets held from June 15 to 19, the republic was officially renamed the Kazakh Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic (Kazakh ASSR). This change marked the Soviet government’s formal recognition of the Kazakh people as distinct from the Kyrgyz. The capital, originally Ak-Mechet, was also renamed Kzyl-Orda, meaning "Red Center" in Kazakh, reflecting Soviet symbolism.

By the late 1920s, Alma-Ata (modern Almaty) was designated as the new capital, either in 1927 or 1929, depending on the source. During this period, resistance to Soviet policies persisted, as seen in the February 1930 anti-Soviet insurgency in the village of Sozak, an uprising reflective of broader unrest among the Kazakh population.

On December 5, 1936, the Kazakh ASSR was officially detached from the RSFSR and elevated to the status of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic (Kazakh SSR), becoming a full union republic within the Soviet Union. This marked a significant administrative and political transformation, aligning the Kazakh territory more firmly within the broader Soviet structure while acknowledging the Kazakh national identity.

On 19 February 1925, Filipp Goloshchyokin was appointed as the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the newly formed Kazakh Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic (Kazakh ASSR). For nearly a decade, from 1925 to 1933, Goloshchyokin ruled the Kazakh ASSR with an iron grip, exercising significant control and encountering little external oversight.

One of his most notable achievements during this period was his role in the construction of the Turkestan-Siberia Railway, an ambitious infrastructure project aimed at integrating Kazakhstan into the Soviet economy. The railway, completed in the early 1930s, was strategically important for the Soviet Union. It facilitated the extraction and transportation of Kazakhstan’s vast mineral wealth—such as coal, copper, and other natural resources—connecting Central Asia to Siberia and accelerating the region's economic development.

However, Goloshchyokin's tenure is remembered far less for his infrastructural contributions and more for the catastrophic policies that followed. His aggressive collectivization campaign, combined with the dismantling of the traditional nomadic economy, led to the Kazakh famine of 1930–1933. Under his leadership, hundreds of thousands of Kazakh livestock were confiscated, while grain requisition quotas were ruthlessly enforced, even as famine swept through the region. The resulting tragedy claimed between 1.5 and 2.3 million lives, decimating the Kazakh population and leaving a lasting scar on the nation.

Goloshchyokin’s legacy remains one of deep controversy. While he contributed to the modernization of Kazakhstan's infrastructure, his policies of collectivization and repression are widely condemned for their devastating human toll. Today, he is often remembered as a key figure in the darkest chapter of Kazakhstan's Soviet history.

The Kazakh famine of 1930–1933, often referred to as the Asharshylyk, was one of the deadliest man-made tragedies in Kazakhstan's history. Between 1.5 to 2.3 million people,^[7] predominantly ethnic Kazakhs, perished due to starvation, violence, and disease, marking the highest death toll proportionally of any ethnic group during the broader Soviet famine of the early 1930s. The famine reduced the Kazakh population from 60% to just 38% in their own homeland and forced many to flee Kazakhstan to neighboring regions like China, Mongolia, and Central Asia. The calamity also devastated Kazakhstan’s pastoral nomadic traditions, as livestock—the backbone of Kazakh life—was systematically confiscated or destroyed.

Background

The roots of the famine stretched back to earlier disruptions in Kazakh society. The Russian Empire’s conquest of Central Asia in the 19th century had already eroded the Kazakhs' nomadic pastoral economy by restricting their grazing lands and introducing settled agriculture. After the Bolsheviks' rise to power, Prodrazvyorstka policies during the Russian Civil War exacerbated food shortages, leading to the earlier famine of 1919–1922, where up to 2 million Kazakhs perished.

The Soviet Union's forced collectivization policies under Joseph Stalin in the late 1920s set the stage for the Kazakh famine. Stalin’s drive to modernize agriculture involved confiscating livestock and grain from nomadic Kazakhs, forcibly settling them into collective farms (kolkhozes), and eliminating traditional elites such as bais (wealthy herders). In 1928, Soviet authorities began their campaign—referred to as "Little October"—to seize animals and land. Over one-third of Kazakhstan's livestock was confiscated between 1930 and 1931, leading to the collapse of the region's economy.

Famine and Repression

By 1930, signs of famine had emerged as livestock starved, grain was requisitioned, and Kazakh pastoralists were stripped of their ability to sustain themselves. Soviet officials continued grain requisition quotas despite widespread starvation, blacklisting entire districts and prohibiting trade. Kazakhs attempting to flee were often shot at the border, with thousands killed trying to cross into China.

The famine provoked violent resistance, with rebellions erupting across Kazakhstan. Kazakhs seized grain depots, liberated confiscated livestock, and fought Red Army forces, with thousands executed during crackdowns. Accounts from the period describe harrowing conditions: cannibalism became widespread, corpses littered roadsides, and families perished en masse. Survivors later recalled scenes of starving Kazakhs collapsing in the streets.

This map is Migration pattern due to the Famine in 1930-1932. © Aidos2

Human Cost

The famine killed between 1.5 and 2.3 million people, representing 38–42% of the Kazakh population. This staggering loss turned Kazakhs into a minority within their own territory until Kazakhstan regained independence in the 1990s. Many Kazakhs were forced into exile, with up to 1 million refugees fleeing to China, Mongolia, and neighboring Soviet republics. These refugees faced violent Soviet efforts to repatriate them, where thousands died in transit or resettlement programs.

Ethnic minorities in Kazakhstan also suffered. The Ukrainian population declined by 36%, and other groups lost up to 30% of their numbers.

Aftermath and Legacy

The famine permanently transformed Kazakh society. Two-thirds of the survivors were forcibly sedentarized, ending centuries of nomadic pastoralism as a viable way of life. While Soviet authorities downplayed the tragedy, Kazakh historians later described it as a "genocide," often referred to as Goloshchyokin’s genocide after Filipp Goloshchyokin, the Soviet official who oversaw Kazakhstan during the famine.

The devastation of the famine lingered in Kazakh memory for generations, with survivors recalling the trauma of starvation, displacement, and violence. Only after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 could the tragedy be publicly acknowledged. Today, Kazakhstan commemorates the famine with a national remembrance day on May 31 and monuments honoring its victims.

The deportation of the Koreans from the Soviet Far East in 1937 marked the first major ethnic deportation carried out by Joseph Stalin’s regime. Over 170,000 Koreans, known as Koryo-saram, were forcibly relocated to the unpopulated regions of the Kazakh SSR and Uzbek SSR, where they were expected to adapt to harsh environments and contribute to collective farming.

The Soviet government justified this mass displacement as a measure to prevent Japanese espionage near the Soviet border. Koreans, being subjects of Imperial Japan, were viewed as potential collaborators or a fifth column, despite the lack of evidence. Historians argue that this deportation also aligned with Stalin's broader policy of frontier cleansing, a strategy to secure border regions through the removal of ethnic minorities.

The journey to Central Asia was brutal. Deportees were packed into 124 trains and transported over 6,400 kilometers under dire conditions, often with limited food, water, or sanitation. Entire families—up to 30 people per train compartment—endured journeys lasting 30 to 40 days. Thousands died during the transit, their bodies left at train stations along the way.

Route of the deportation of Koreans in the Soviet Union in 1937. © Anonymous

Upon arrival, the Koreans faced immense hardships. They were scattered across collective farms (kolkhozes) in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, where housing, food, and medical support were severely inadequate. The winter of 1937–1938 was especially brutal; many deportees succumbed to starvation, exposure, and diseases like typhus and malaria. The mortality rate ranged from 10% to 25%, with estimates of deaths ranging from 16,500 to 50,000 people.

Despite these adversities, the Koreans persevered. They introduced their skills in rice cultivation and other agricultural techniques, which were crucial for survival in their new environment. Local Kazakhs and Uzbeks, who had limited resources themselves, often extended aid to the settlers. Over time, Korean institutions, newspapers, and cultural centers were established in Kazakhstan, making it the intellectual and cultural hub for Soviet Koreans.

In the decades following Stalin's death in 1953, Nikita Khrushchev condemned many of Stalin's deportations but failed to mention the Koreans. Soviet Koreans remained exiled in Central Asia, their ties to the Far East severed, and their culture increasingly assimilated. By the early 2000s, fewer than 10% of Soviet Koreans spoke the Korean language, and cultural cohesion eroded due to mixed marriages and urban migration.

The deportation of the Koreans in 1937 set a grim precedent for future mass deportations in the Soviet Union during and after World War II, where entire ethnic groups like Tatars, Chechens, and Volga Germans faced similar fates. Today, the forced relocation of Koreans is recognized as a crime against humanity, emblematic of Stalin's policies of ethnic repression and systemic cruelty.

During the 1930s, the Soviet government expanded its system of Gulags across the Soviet Union, turning Kazakhstan into one of the primary sites for forced labor camps. A total of 11 concentration camps were constructed throughout the region, with the most infamous being ALZhIR—the Akmolinsk Camp for Wives of Traitors to the Motherland.

This brutal period of repression intensified under NKVD Order 00486, issued on 15 August 1937. The order marked the beginning of mass arrests of ChSIR, or "members of the families of traitors to the Motherland". For the first time, women were arrested and sent to labor camps without any evidence of guilt. The sweeping arrests targeted the wives and relatives of statesmen, politicians, and public figures—many of whom were associated with the former Alash movement. In total, over 18,000 women were arrested under this policy, and around 8,000 of them served time in ALZhIR. The camp became synonymous with cruelty, as inmates endured harsh conditions, forced labor, and physical abuse. After the camp's closure in 1953, reports revealed that 1,507 women gave birth while imprisoned, many as a result of being raped by guards.

Former members of the Alash Orda movement, who had once championed Kazakh autonomy and education, were particular targets of the Soviet repression. Following the dissolution of Alash Orda, many of its leaders initially turned their efforts to education and translation projects, helping to build a new school system for the largely uneducated Kazakh population. Some joined the Communist Party in hopes of working within the system to benefit their people. However, these leaders continued to resist certain Soviet policies, particularly the devastating collectivization drive, which caused the artificial Kazakh famine of 1930–33.

The Soviet government responded by imprisoning and executing Kazakh elites. Life in the Gulags accelerated the physical decline of those who survived, as evidenced by photographs showing rapid aging over just a few years. Gulag mugshots of once-vibrant intellectuals and leaders taken shortly before their executions reflect the suffering and dehumanization inflicted upon them. The repression effectively destroyed much of the Kazakh intelligentsia, silencing voices of opposition and leaving lasting scars on Kazakhstan's society and history.

During World War II, Kazakhstan played a significant role within the Soviet Union, both on the front lines and the home front. Approximately one million Kazakh soldiers were conscripted into the Red Army, contributing substantially to the Soviet military efforts. Notably, the 100th Kazakh Rifle Brigade, formed in December 1941, participated in key battles such as the Battles of Rzhev and the Battle of Velikiye Luki. Among its ranks was Manshuk Mametova, a machine gunner who became the first Kazakh woman awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union.

On the home front, Kazakhstan became a crucial hub for relocated Soviet industries. Following the German invasion, many factories and plants were moved from the western regions of the USSR to Kazakhstan to safeguard production from the advancing Axis forces. This relocation bolstered Kazakhstan's industrial capacity and integrated it more deeply into the Soviet war economy.

Additionally, Kazakhstan served as a destination for various ethnic groups forcibly relocated by the Soviet government during the war. Large groups, including Crimean Tatars, Germans, and Poles, were deported to Kazakhstan, significantly altering the region's demographic landscape.

The war also intensified efforts to integrate Kazakhstan into the Soviet system. The mobilization required for the war effort led to increased Sovietization of the Kazakh populace, as propaganda, military service, and exposure to other parts of the USSR fostered a stronger Soviet identity among Kazakhs. However, this period also reinforced ethnic tensions and social disparities, as ethnic chauvinism persisted even during the Soviet Union's struggle for survival.

The story of the Semipalatinsk Test Site, known to locals as The Polygon, begins in the secrecy of Soviet ambition and unfolds into a devastating legacy. In 1947, Lavrentiy Beria, the ruthless overseer of the Soviet atomic program, chose the remote Kazakh steppe, a vast land stretching across 18,000 square kilometers, as the testing ground for the Soviet Union's nuclear weapons. He claimed the region was “uninhabited,” a chilling lie. Quiet villages dotted the steppe, their people unaware that their homeland was about to become the epicenter of atomic experimentation.

On 29 August 1949, the silence of the Kazakh plains was shattered. The Soviet Union detonated its first atomic bomb under the codename Operation First Lightning. The explosion lit up the sky, shaking the earth for miles. Fallout drifted across the villages, carried by the winds of the open steppe. The villagers, who watched in awe and confusion, had no idea they were inhaling poison.

The early years saw atmospheric explosions—tests conducted from towers and air-dropped bombs—turning parts of the Semipalatinsk region into scorched earth. In the 1960s, after international treaties banned open-air testing, the Soviets moved their experiments underground, hollowing tunnels into the Degelen Mountains and drilling deep boreholes across the steppe. At sites like Balapan, they unleashed enormous underground detonations, some so powerful they created craters the size of lakes, like Chagan Lake, eerily beautiful but dangerously radioactive.

Over 40 years, 456 nuclear tests were conducted.^[8] The tests included 340 underground and 116 atmospheric detonations.^[9] The cumulative effect of these tests was profound, with the total explosive yield equating to more than 2,500 Hiroshima bombs. The explosions were both a display of power and a ruthless experiment. Scientists observed how radiation affected everything: soil, water, animals, and people. Kazakh villagers lived unknowingly in a death zone. Entire generations were exposed to radiation. Illness spread—cancer, birth defects, and mysterious genetic disorders. Families bore the weight of what they called “the silent bomb,” passed down through children born with fragile bodies and unexplainable ailments.

In the shadows of the Cold War, no questions were allowed. The Soviet government remained silent, hiding the truth even from local leaders. Years passed, and the toll mounted: villages abandoned, lives shattered, but the tests continued. As the Soviet Union pushed its nuclear program to keep pace with the West, the Kazakh people became silent victims.

Change began in the late 1980s, as glasnost, Mikhail Gorbachev’s policy of openness, lifted the veil. Reports trickled out. Activists like Olzhas Suleimenov founded the Nevada-Semipalatinsk Movement in 1989, uniting Kazakhs and global citizens against nuclear testing. Protests grew louder. The world began to see the tragedy unfolding on the Kazakh steppe.

On 19 October 1989, the final nuclear explosion rocked the site. The Soviet Union, crumbling under its own weight, could no longer ignore the outcry. Two years later, on 29 August 1991, a young Kazakh leader, Nursultan Nazarbayev, made a historic decision. In defiance of Moscow, he declared the closure of the Semipalatinsk Test Site. The land that had suffered for so long was silent again.

After the Soviet collapse, the Semipalatinsk region was left abandoned, a dangerous relic. Inside the Degelen Mountains, fissile material lay forgotten—plutonium remnants, powerful enough to threaten global security. It wasn’t until the 21st century that the world truly understood the risk. In a 17-year secret operation, Kazakh, American, and Russian scientists worked quietly to secure the tunnels, pouring concrete into radioactive shafts and sealing entrances.

During the 1950s and 1960s, the Soviet government launched the Virgin Lands Campaign, an ambitious effort spearheaded by Nikita Khrushchev to increase agricultural production by cultivating vast, unused tracts of land. The Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic became the focal point of this initiative, drawing a massive influx of settlers from across the Soviet Union, particularly Russians, but also Ukrainians, Germans, Belarusians, Jews, and Koreans.

The program dramatically altered the demographic balance of Kazakhstan. Non-Kazakhs soon outnumbered the native Kazakh population, with Russians becoming the dominant ethnic group in many urban and rural areas. As a result, the Kazakh language began to decline in usage. Russian became the dominant language in education, administration, and business, further marginalizing Kazakh cultural traditions.

Despite this demographic shift, the Kazakh population began to recover in the latter decades of Soviet rule and especially after Kazakhstan’s independence in 1991. Many non-Kazakhs, particularly Germans (who had made up about 8% of Kazakhstan’s population—the largest German community in the Soviet Union), emigrated to their ancestral homelands or other regions. This trend was mirrored by significant outmigration of Russians, Ukrainians, and Jews in the post-Soviet years, further reshaping Kazakhstan's ethnic makeup.

In the years following independence, efforts to revitalize the Kazakh language gained momentum. Government policies have promoted its use in law, education, and business, and growing Kazakh pride, coupled with the rising proportion of ethnic Kazakhs in the population, has led to a cultural revival.

In the heart of the Kazakh Steppe, a remote village named Tyuratam was destined to become the nerve center of Soviet technological ambition. On 12 February 1955, the Soviet government issued orders to establish the Scientific Research Test Range No. 5 (NIIP-5), later known as the Baikonur Cosmodrome. Officially founded on 2 June 1955, this vast complex was created for a singular purpose: testing the R-7 Semyorka, the world's first intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM).

The location of Tyuratam was no accident. A commission led by General Vasily Voznyuk, influenced by the visionary Chief Designer Sergey Korolyov, carefully considered the requirements for this groundbreaking project. The plains of the Kazakh Steppe provided uninterrupted signals essential for controlling the rockets’ flight path over vast distances. The trajectory would also remain safely away from populated areas, and the site’s proximity to the equator offered a natural advantage: Earth’s rotational speed would help propel launches into orbit.

The creation of the site was no small task. Vast infrastructure had to be carved into the barren steppe. Railways stretched for hundreds of kilometers, while roads and sprawling launch facilities rose from the empty plains. It quickly became one of the Soviet Union’s most expensive infrastructure projects. Around the facility, an entire city was constructed to house scientists, engineers, and workers. Complete with schools, housing, and amenities, the settlement grew into a thriving community. By 1966, it was elevated to city status and named Leninsk.

Despite the secrecy surrounding the site, the outside world soon took notice. On 5 August 1957, the American U-2 high-altitude reconnaissance plane soared above the Soviet territory and captured the first images of the Tyuratam missile test range. It was a sobering discovery for the United States, offering undeniable proof of the Soviet Union’s advancements in missile and space technology.

The cosmodrome’s significance only grew with time. In April 1975, as the Cold War began to thaw slightly in preparation for the Apollo-Soyuz Test Project, NASA astronauts were granted an unprecedented tour of Baikonur. Upon their return to the United States, the astronauts were awed by the sheer scale of the facility. As Thomas Stafford, one of the visiting astronauts, remarked, “That makes Cape Kennedy look very small.” On their evening flight to Moscow, the astronauts watched for over 15 minutes as lights illuminated launch pads and complexes sprawling across the steppe, a silent testament to Soviet power.

In the early 1960s, the Soviet Union launched a drive to massively expand cotton production in Uzbekistan, branding it the “white gold” of the Soviet economy. To achieve this, the Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers—key sources of water for the Aral Sea—were diverted to irrigate desert land for cotton cultivation, rice, melons, and cereals. Initially, this policy seemed successful: by 1988, Uzbekistan became the world’s largest exporter of cotton, and cotton production remained the country’s main cash crop for decades.

However, the large-scale irrigation projects that enabled this expansion were poorly executed. The Qaraqum Canal, the largest irrigation channel in Central Asia, suffered from massive water loss due to leakage and evaporation—up to 75% of its flow was wasted. By 2012, only 12% of Uzbekistan’s irrigation canals were waterproofed, and the majority of irrigation channels lacked proper anti-infiltration linings and flow gauges.

As a result of these overzealous water withdrawals, the Aral Sea began to shrink at an alarming rate. Between 1961 and 1970, the sea level fell by 20 cm per year, but this rate nearly tripled in the 1970s and doubled again in the 1980s, reaching 80–90 cm per year. The dramatic decline continued into the 2000s, with the sea level dropping from 53 meters above sea level in the early 20th century to just 27 meters by 2010 in the larger Aral Sea.

Animated map of the shrinking of the Aral Sea. © NordNordWest

The shrinking of the Aral Sea was anticipated by Soviet planners. By 1964, experts at the Hydroproject Institute openly acknowledged that the Aral Sea was doomed, yet the irrigation projects continued. Soviet authorities dismissed the ecological consequences, with some even referring to the Aral Sea as “nature’s error”, implying its evaporation was inevitable. Alternative proposals, such as redirecting rivers from Siberia to refill the sea, were briefly considered but abandoned by the mid-1980s due to staggering costs and public opposition in Russia.

The resulting ecological disaster devastated the region. The shrinking sea led to severe environmental damage, desertification, loss of fisheries, and widespread health problems for the surrounding populations, while increasing dissatisfaction with Soviet policies in Central Asia.

Dinmukhamed "Dimash" Kunaev, one of Kazakhstan's most influential Soviet leaders, played a pivotal role in the republic's development during his long tenure as the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR. His leadership spanned the transformative decades of the Soviet Union, marked by significant economic growth, political maneuvering, and a complicated legacy of cultural and territorial consolidation.

The Kunaev Era: Economic Growth and Stability (1964–1986)

Kunaev's fortunes rebounded when Leonid Brezhnev came to power. In 1964, Kunaev returned as First Secretary of the Kazakh SSR, beginning what would become a defining 22-year period. His leadership coincided with major Soviet reforms and industrialization initiatives. Under Kunaev, Kazakhstan saw rapid economic development and urbanization.

The Kosygin reforms of the 1960s kickstarted growth, and Kazakhstan became one of the Soviet Union's three largest economies, alongside Russia and Ukraine. Industrial production surged as coal, oil, and electricity outputs grew exponentially. Under Kunaev’s leadership:

• Coal production increased from 28 million tons in 1955 to 132 million tons by 1986.
• Two major oil refineries were constructed in Pavlodar (1978) and Chimkent (1985).
• Over 1,000 factories and workshops were established, reshaping Kazakhstan into a Soviet industrial hub.

At the same time, agriculture flourished. Kunaev's support for grain production saw Kazakhstan contribute 600 million tons of grain to Soviet reserves between 1954 and 1984, with average annual yields increasing ninefold.

Infrastructure and Cultural Expansion

Kunaev's vision extended beyond industry. Kazakhstan's urban landscape transformed under his guidance, particularly in Alma-Ata (modern Almaty), where cultural and civic projects flourished. Key landmarks such as the Medeu sports complex, the Koktobe TV tower, and numerous museums, universities, and residential neighborhoods were built. The republic’s infrastructure, including highways and administrative centers, expanded dramatically, reflecting Kunaev's commitment to modernization.

Political Consolidation and Territorial Integrity

Kunaev worked diligently to consolidate Kazakhstan's territorial integrity. He reversed Khrushchev’s policies by abolishing the Virgin Lands Territory and returning southern Kazakh lands ceded to Uzbekistan. New administrative regions, such as Turgai and Jezkazgan, were created to solidify Kazakh presence in areas where ethnic Russians were the majority. This strategic move reduced separatist sentiments and bolstered Kazakhstan's unity within the USSR.

Tensions and Fall from Power

Despite his achievements, the late 1980s marked the beginning of Kunaev's political decline. As Mikhail Gorbachev implemented reforms, calls for accountability and an end to corruption swept the Soviet Union. Criticism of Kunaev’s leadership mounted, particularly regarding his favoritism toward Kazakh elites and allegations of mismanagement.

At the 16th Congress of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan in February 1986, tensions boiled over. Kunaev’s protégée, Nursultan Nazarbayev, and other high-ranking officials criticized Kunaev’s administration, particularly targeting his brother, Askar Kunaev, who led Kazakhstan's Academy of Sciences. Although Kunaev had promoted Nazarbayev earlier in his career, this internal struggle fractured their relationship.

On 16 December 1986, under pressure from Gorbachev, Kunaev was removed from office. He was replaced by Gennady Kolbin, a Russian outsider from Ulyanovsk, a decision that enraged Kazakh youth and sparked the Jeltoqsan uprising. The protests, violently suppressed, marked a turning point in Kazakhstan's modern history and revealed deep-rooted frustrations with Soviet governance.

Legacy

Dinmukhamed Kunaev’s tenure remains a complex chapter in Kazakhstan's history. His leadership brought economic prosperity, industrial growth, and cultural progress, but his era also reflected the rigid hierarchies of Soviet rule. Kunaev’s support for Kazakh national identity and territorial integrity left a lasting mark on the republic, while his fall symbolized the turbulent winds of change that swept through the Soviet Union in the 1980s.

The Jeltoqsan Uprising of December 1986 was a turning point in Kazakhstan’s late Soviet history, a powerful expression of dissent against Moscow's authority and a precursor to the unraveling of Soviet control across Central Asia.

The Trigger

On 16 December 1986, in a move widely seen as an affront to Kazakh national identity, CPSU General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev dismissed Dinmukhamed Kunaev, the long-serving First Secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan. Kunaev, a native Kazakh, had presided over the Kazakh SSR for over two decades and was highly regarded among the Kazakh populace. In his place, Moscow appointed Gennady Kolbin, a Russian from the RSFSR who had no prior connection to Kazakhstan. This decision, perceived as a direct challenge to the republic’s autonomy, ignited widespread outrage among Kazakh youth and intellectuals.

The Protest Erupts

On the morning of 17 December, a group of 200–300 students from universities and institutes in Alma-Ata (now Almaty) marched to Brezhnev Square (now Republic Square) to voice their dissatisfaction with Kolbin's appointment. Carrying banners and chanting slogans demanding a native Kazakh leader, the demonstration quickly swelled to a crowd of 3,000–5,000 people, with reports suggesting that as many as 30,000 to 40,000 protesters participated nationwide.

The protests, initially peaceful, reflected deep frustrations over cultural and political marginalization. Protesters rejected accusations of nationalism, instead framing their actions as a demand for respect and fairness.

Escalation and Violence

The Soviet authorities responded swiftly and harshly. Troops, police, and KGB operatives surrounded the square and attempted to disperse the crowd. By the evening of 17 December, violence erupted. Security forces used batons, water cannons, and tear gas, while clashes spread beyond the square into universities, dormitories, and streets.

By the second day, protests escalated into civil unrest. Armed confrontations broke out between Kazakh students and government forces, which included not only troops but also druzhiniki (volunteer militias) and cadets. Reports describe chaotic scenes of beatings and mass arrests as authorities attempted to suppress the demonstrations. The clashes continued until 19 December, leaving a trail of devastation.

Aftermath and Repression

The Soviet media initially downplayed the scale of the unrest, with TASS describing it as the work of “hooligans, parasites, and antisocial elements” influenced by “nationalistic” motives. However, estimates of the casualties and arrests tell a far grimmer story.

• Casualties: The Kazakh SSR officially reported two deaths—a student and a volunteer police worker—but many accounts suggest far higher numbers. The US Library of Congress estimated 200 deaths, with some accounts exceeding 1,000 fatalities. The writer Mukhtar Shakhanov cited testimony from a KGB officer indicating 168 protesters were killed.
• Arrests and Detentions: An estimated 5,000 people were arrested, with many sentenced to labor camps. Survivors reported torture, beatings, and humiliation while in custody.

Among the victims were students Kayrat Ryskulbekov and Lazat Asanova, whose deaths became symbols of the movement’s tragic cost.

Significance

The Jeltoqsan Uprising was more than a localized revolt. It represented a powerful expression of resistance against the Soviet Union’s centralizing policies and disregard for local identities. It laid bare the deep frustrations of Kazakhstan's youth over political exclusion and cultural erasure.

Though brutally suppressed, Jeltoqsan was a harbinger of change. It shattered the perception of unshakable Soviet authority in Central Asia and became a rallying point for nationalist movements in the years leading to independence. For many Kazakhs, Jeltoqsan marked the beginning of a long journey toward sovereignty.

In independent Kazakhstan, the Jeltoqsan events are commemorated as a symbol of national pride and resilience, honoring those who stood up for their rights in the face of overwhelming oppression.

In March 1990, Kazakhstan marked a significant milestone by holding its first elections. Nursultan Nazarbayev, then chairman of the Supreme Soviet, was elected as the republic’s first president. This political transition set the stage for the republic’s growing autonomy. Later that year, on 25 October 1990, Kazakhstan declared its sovereignty, signaling its intent to govern independently while still within the Soviet framework.

In early 1991, as the Soviet Union teetered on the edge of collapse, Kazakhstan participated in a referendum to preserve the union in a new, restructured form. The results were clear: 94.1% of Kazakh voters favored maintaining the union. However, this vision of a revised USSR was derailed in August 1991 when hardline communists in Moscow attempted a coup against Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Nazarbayev swiftly condemned the failed coup, further cementing his role as a leader intent on maintaining stability during uncertain times.

The failure of the coup accelerated the Soviet Union’s unraveling. On 10 December 1991, the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic was officially renamed the Republic of Kazakhstan, reflecting its new identity. Just days later, on 16 December 1991, Kazakhstan formally declared its independence, becoming the final Soviet republic to secede. The date held symbolic significance, as it coincided with the fifth anniversary of the Jeltoqsan protests, a pivotal moment in Kazakhstan's history of resistance.

Kazakhstan’s capital soon became the site of a defining event for the post-Soviet world. On 21 December 1991, leaders of the remaining Soviet republics gathered in Almaty to sign the Alma-Ata Protocol, formally dissolving the Soviet Union and establishing the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Kazakhstan joined the CIS as a founding member, ensuring its integration into the emerging post-Soviet geopolitical landscape. The Soviet Union officially ceased to exist on 26 December 1991, and Kazakhstan was recognized as an independent state on the global stage.

The next step for the fledgling nation was the adoption of a foundational legal framework. On 28 January 1993, Kazakhstan officially adopted its new constitution, solidifying its status as a sovereign and independent republic. This marked the beginning of a new era, as Kazakhstan embarked on the challenging journey of building a unified, independent state while navigating its diverse cultural and economic landscape.

Nursultan Nazarbayev's presidency shaped Kazakhstan's early years as an independent nation. After the Soviet collapse in December 1991, Nazarbayev, already chairman of the Supreme Soviet, became the country’s first president. He aimed to stabilize the economy, ensure ethnic harmony, and establish Kazakhstan's sovereignty.

In 1993, a new constitution consolidated executive power, creating a strong presidency. Political opposition, like the Azat and Jeltoqsan parties, protested the new government, but Nazarbayev maintained control. By 1995, the Supreme Council was dissolved, and constitutional amendments gave Nazarbayev greater authority while creating a bicameral parliament. A 1995 referendum extended his presidency until 2000. These changes weakened checks on executive power, allowing Nazarbayev to dominate Kazakhstan's political landscape.

The late 1990s marked further centralization. Nazarbayev moved the capital from Almaty to Astana (now Nur-Sultan) in 1997, a decision symbolizing a new direction for the nation. He won the 1999 presidential election amid allegations of unfair practices, but Nazarbayev’s position remained secure. Economic reforms focused on privatization and oil development. Kazakhstan’s Tengiz oil field attracted foreign investors, notably Chevron.

In the 2000s, Nazarbayev consolidated power further. A constitutional amendment in 2007 allowed him to bypass term limits, ensuring he could run for reelection indefinitely. He was reelected in 2005, 2011, and 2015, each time winning overwhelming support, though international observers criticized the elections as undemocratic. During this period, pro-presidential parties like Nur Otan dominated parliament, eliminating serious political opposition.

Nazarbayev pursued economic modernization. He introduced the Kazakhstan 2050 Strategy to transform the nation into a top global economy by mid-century. The Nurly Zhol initiative focused on infrastructure development, while Digital Kazakhstan aimed to modernize technology and industry. Nazarbayev emphasized economic diversification, particularly to reduce reliance on oil.

On the international stage, Nazarbayev championed nuclear disarmament. Kazakhstan closed the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site and voluntarily gave up its Soviet-era nuclear arsenal. Nazarbayev strengthened relations with global powers, balancing ties between Russia, China, and the United States. His idea of a “Eurasian Union” culminated in Kazakhstan joining the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015.

Despite economic achievements, Nazarbayev’s tenure was marked by political repression and human rights violations. Opposition movements were suppressed, media was restricted, and dissent was harshly punished. Protests in 2011, particularly in Zhanaozen, highlighted growing dissatisfaction, though they were swiftly crushed.

In 2019, Nazarbayev unexpectedly resigned, ending nearly three decades in power. He retained significant influence as “Elbasy” (Leader of the Nation) and head of Nur Otan, leaving his longtime ally Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to succeed him as president.

In March 2019, Nursultan Nazarbayev resigned after nearly 30 years in power but retained significant influence as head of the powerful Security Council and the formal title “Leader of the Nation.” Kassym-Jomart Tokayev succeeded him as president. Tokayev’s first major decision was renaming the capital from Astana to Nur-Sultan in honor of Nazarbayev. In June 2019, Tokayev won the presidential election, solidifying his position as the country’s leader.

In January 2022, Kazakhstan faced violent protests triggered by a sharp rise in fuel prices. The unrest escalated quickly, leading to a political turning point. Tokayev removed Nazarbayev from his post as head of the Security Council, ending the elder leader's formal hold on power. To address the crisis, Tokayev proposed constitutional reforms to limit presidential authority and abolish Nazarbayev’s “Leader of the Nation” status. These changes were approved in the June 2022 constitutional referendum, marking a significant shift in Kazakhstan’s political structure.

Later that year, in September 2022, Tokayev oversaw the reversal of a key symbolic change: the capital’s name was restored to Astana, undoing the tribute to Nazarbayev. These reforms signaled Tokayev’s efforts to consolidate his leadership and redefine Kazakhstan's political landscape in the post-Nazarbayev era.